Informal employment, precariousness, and decent work: from research to preventive action
Decent work, defined by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 1999 in relation to promoting productive and freely chosen employment, fair income, security in the workplace, guaranteeing rights at work, granting social protection, freedom of organization and creating social dialogue, is a bas...
Ausführliche Beschreibung
Autor*in: |
Fernando G Benavides [verfasserIn] Michael Silva-Peñaherrera [verfasserIn] Alejandra Vives [verfasserIn] |
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E-Artikel |
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Sprache: |
Englisch |
Erschienen: |
2022 |
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Übergeordnetes Werk: |
In: Scandinavian Journal of Work, Environment & Health - Nordic Association of Occupational Safety and Health (NOROSH), 2021, 48(2022), 3, Seite 169-172 |
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Übergeordnetes Werk: |
volume:48 ; year:2022 ; number:3 ; pages:169-172 |
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DOI / URN: |
10.5271/sjweh.4024 |
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DOAJ023477733 |
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520 | |a Decent work, defined by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 1999 in relation to promoting productive and freely chosen employment, fair income, security in the workplace, guaranteeing rights at work, granting social protection, freedom of organization and creating social dialogue, is a basic condition for the health and wellbeing of workers and their families (1). Underpinned by the Declaration of Philadelphia, which states that all human beings have the right to develop in freedom and dignity, economic security and equal opportunity (2), decent work is key goal number 8 of the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (SDG). However, informal employment – that is work without a contract, legal protection or social security – is the most common employment arrangement in the world. According to the ILO, its share of total employment (SDG indicator 8.3.1) was 61% (2 billion workers) by 2016. While globally the proportion of informal workers is larger among men (63% versus 58% for women), there are more countries (55%) where the share of women in informal employment exceeds that of men (3). In fact, informal employment constitutes a persistent, structural pillar of labor markets, especially in low- and middle-income countries. And while in the USA and the EU, informal employment is around 18% and 15% of the occupied labor force, respectively, figures are 53% for Latin America, and 88% and 77% in Africa and Asia (excluding China), respectively. Despite this overwhelming reality, we have little evidence of the health impact of informal employment. In a seminal study carried out in Brazil, Santana & Loomis (4) showed that workers without job contracts (informal employment) had a 20% greater risk of occupational injury than workers with a contract (formal employment). In a recent 2011 study based on the first working and employment conditions survey in Central America, Lopez-Ruiz et al (5) showed that the lack of social security coverage (informal employment) was associated with a higher prevalence of poor self-perceived health and poor mental health in both genders. Utzet et al (6) confirmed these results in a study based on a sample of 176 786 workers from national working conditions and health surveys carried out in 13 Latin American and Caribbean countries between 2012 and 2018, which found that informal workers (defined by coverage or contribution to a health/pension plan/insurance) reported significantly worse self-perceived health than formal workers, both among women [1.28 (95% CI 1.14–1.43)] and men [1.30 (1.12-1.50)]. In another study, based on ecological data (2000–2016) for 17 Latin American countries, Silva-Peñaherrera et al (7) found a clear and significant positive association between the national rates of informal employment and adult mortality rates. The main hypothesized mechanisms that could explain the relationship between informal employment and poor health include poor employment conditions (low income, employment insecurity, lack of social security and workplace rights, etc.) and poor working conditions (unsafe workplace, poor air quality, heavy load handling, high demand and low control, etc.), as well as poor living conditions and limited access to health services. However, much research is still needed to better understand the health consequences of informal employment and its mechanisms, acknowledging that informal work is a heterogeneous phenomenon that makes both research and policy-making especially challenging. In high-income countries, on the other hand, where informal employment is generally <20% (8), its effect on worker’s health has been studied scarcely (9) and with contradictory results. For example, a study using the European Working Conditions Survey of 2010 did not find differences in self-perceived health between formal and informal employees (10), while another study conducted with data from Spain comparing four different employment profiles only found differences in self perceived health status among women in informal employment (11). An explanation for these results could be that healthcare coverage in Spain is universal, and some social protection services, not necessary by direct contribution to the social security system, are not restricted to formal employees. This might attenuate possible health inequalities resulting from working in informal arrangements. In Chile, using the 2010 employment conditions survey, Ruiz et al (12) found differences in health that were only significant among men. The authors hypothesized that formalization may not be as beneficial for women as men given the higher levels of precariousness of female formal employment and the double burden of unpaid work. Conversely, research on the health impact of precarious employment on formally employed workers have increased in the last two decades (13). In fact, precarious employment, which may affect the full range of standard and non-standard employment arrangements, is considered an emerging determinant of health (14). One reason that could explain this interest, as compared to the volume of research on informal employment and health, is that employment precariousness is a growing problem in high income countries (15, 16). This progress in the available evidence on the association between precarious employment and poor health is also not unrelated to the fact of having a developed a conceptual proposal of the key dimensions of employment precariousness for health, and a measurement instrument, the Employment Precariousness Scale – EPRES (17), which has been adapted to different countries from Chile (18), Spain (19), Sweden (20) and Greece (21) to the European Union (22) more recently. Ervasti & Virtanen (23) has underlined these efforts and their limits. Briefly, we could summarize that informal employment is characterized by the lack of a contract and social security coverage and that precarious employment is characterized by a weak employment relation with different extents of employment insecurity, low wages, limited workplace rights and social protection among formally employed workers. A shared feature of workers in poor employment conditions is that they generally perform less qualified jobs, face more risks at work and lack the power to bargain over their working and employment conditions to improve them (24). Informal and precarious workers are generally invisible for statistics, such as occupational injury and unemployment rates and, as a consequence, do not exist for policy-making or social security purposes. Globally the gap is enormous: only 35% of the world`s employed population has coverage for occupational injuries and <19% of the unemployed receive unemployment benefits (25). To manage this social interaction, we propose a unified conceptual framework of working and employment conditions. For public policy decision-makers and professional practitioners, the former are the classical object of the occupational health and safety issue, and the latter are the object of the human resources issue. Integrating both dimensions in an axis of coordinates, as is shown in figure 1 8see PDF), we could broaden our understanding of decent work as the best interaction between working and employment conditions. In this scenario, informal employment generally represents the worse scenario as unprotected jobs lack employment and income security and are performed in unhealthy and unsafe working conditions. In the middle position would be precariously employed salaried workers, who – although covered by legal regulatory frameworks – are frequently ill-protected by labor inspection, granted limited or insufficient social security coverage, and most probably incapable of demanding healthy working conditions. Finally, the best and desirable scenario would be decent work combining healthy and nurturing employment and working conditions. This framework may contribute to understanding that employment and working conditions are strongly interrelated and that both require attention both from research and policy making. The ILO emphasizes that promoting decent work for all requires realizing fundamental rights at work, creating more and better employment and income opportunities, extending social protection, and promoting social dialogue. We add that this is not only a necessary step towards decent employment but an indispensable one to grant all workers adequate working conditions and thus achieve the goal of decent work in an integral manner. We are in the middle of a great transformation probably comparable to the Industrial Revolution in the 18th and 19th centuries. One which has been accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic (26). An epoque change characterized by a new economic and labor space, as well as a social one – cyberspace – which deepens the digitization of the economy and the exponential increase in the flexibility of the labor market (27). Think of gig-working in delivery or driving, at a high ris... | ||
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10.5271/sjweh.4024 doi (DE-627)DOAJ023477733 (DE-599)DOAJdb133f25ece5415da45ab15858118d74 DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng RA1-1270 Fernando G Benavides verfasserin aut Informal employment, precariousness, and decent work: from research to preventive action 2022 Text txt rdacontent Computermedien c rdamedia Online-Ressource cr rdacarrier Decent work, defined by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 1999 in relation to promoting productive and freely chosen employment, fair income, security in the workplace, guaranteeing rights at work, granting social protection, freedom of organization and creating social dialogue, is a basic condition for the health and wellbeing of workers and their families (1). Underpinned by the Declaration of Philadelphia, which states that all human beings have the right to develop in freedom and dignity, economic security and equal opportunity (2), decent work is key goal number 8 of the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (SDG). However, informal employment – that is work without a contract, legal protection or social security – is the most common employment arrangement in the world. According to the ILO, its share of total employment (SDG indicator 8.3.1) was 61% (2 billion workers) by 2016. While globally the proportion of informal workers is larger among men (63% versus 58% for women), there are more countries (55%) where the share of women in informal employment exceeds that of men (3). In fact, informal employment constitutes a persistent, structural pillar of labor markets, especially in low- and middle-income countries. And while in the USA and the EU, informal employment is around 18% and 15% of the occupied labor force, respectively, figures are 53% for Latin America, and 88% and 77% in Africa and Asia (excluding China), respectively. Despite this overwhelming reality, we have little evidence of the health impact of informal employment. In a seminal study carried out in Brazil, Santana & Loomis (4) showed that workers without job contracts (informal employment) had a 20% greater risk of occupational injury than workers with a contract (formal employment). In a recent 2011 study based on the first working and employment conditions survey in Central America, Lopez-Ruiz et al (5) showed that the lack of social security coverage (informal employment) was associated with a higher prevalence of poor self-perceived health and poor mental health in both genders. Utzet et al (6) confirmed these results in a study based on a sample of 176 786 workers from national working conditions and health surveys carried out in 13 Latin American and Caribbean countries between 2012 and 2018, which found that informal workers (defined by coverage or contribution to a health/pension plan/insurance) reported significantly worse self-perceived health than formal workers, both among women [1.28 (95% CI 1.14–1.43)] and men [1.30 (1.12-1.50)]. In another study, based on ecological data (2000–2016) for 17 Latin American countries, Silva-Peñaherrera et al (7) found a clear and significant positive association between the national rates of informal employment and adult mortality rates. The main hypothesized mechanisms that could explain the relationship between informal employment and poor health include poor employment conditions (low income, employment insecurity, lack of social security and workplace rights, etc.) and poor working conditions (unsafe workplace, poor air quality, heavy load handling, high demand and low control, etc.), as well as poor living conditions and limited access to health services. However, much research is still needed to better understand the health consequences of informal employment and its mechanisms, acknowledging that informal work is a heterogeneous phenomenon that makes both research and policy-making especially challenging. In high-income countries, on the other hand, where informal employment is generally <20% (8), its effect on worker’s health has been studied scarcely (9) and with contradictory results. For example, a study using the European Working Conditions Survey of 2010 did not find differences in self-perceived health between formal and informal employees (10), while another study conducted with data from Spain comparing four different employment profiles only found differences in self perceived health status among women in informal employment (11). An explanation for these results could be that healthcare coverage in Spain is universal, and some social protection services, not necessary by direct contribution to the social security system, are not restricted to formal employees. This might attenuate possible health inequalities resulting from working in informal arrangements. In Chile, using the 2010 employment conditions survey, Ruiz et al (12) found differences in health that were only significant among men. The authors hypothesized that formalization may not be as beneficial for women as men given the higher levels of precariousness of female formal employment and the double burden of unpaid work. Conversely, research on the health impact of precarious employment on formally employed workers have increased in the last two decades (13). In fact, precarious employment, which may affect the full range of standard and non-standard employment arrangements, is considered an emerging determinant of health (14). One reason that could explain this interest, as compared to the volume of research on informal employment and health, is that employment precariousness is a growing problem in high income countries (15, 16). This progress in the available evidence on the association between precarious employment and poor health is also not unrelated to the fact of having a developed a conceptual proposal of the key dimensions of employment precariousness for health, and a measurement instrument, the Employment Precariousness Scale – EPRES (17), which has been adapted to different countries from Chile (18), Spain (19), Sweden (20) and Greece (21) to the European Union (22) more recently. Ervasti & Virtanen (23) has underlined these efforts and their limits. Briefly, we could summarize that informal employment is characterized by the lack of a contract and social security coverage and that precarious employment is characterized by a weak employment relation with different extents of employment insecurity, low wages, limited workplace rights and social protection among formally employed workers. A shared feature of workers in poor employment conditions is that they generally perform less qualified jobs, face more risks at work and lack the power to bargain over their working and employment conditions to improve them (24). Informal and precarious workers are generally invisible for statistics, such as occupational injury and unemployment rates and, as a consequence, do not exist for policy-making or social security purposes. Globally the gap is enormous: only 35% of the world`s employed population has coverage for occupational injuries and <19% of the unemployed receive unemployment benefits (25). To manage this social interaction, we propose a unified conceptual framework of working and employment conditions. For public policy decision-makers and professional practitioners, the former are the classical object of the occupational health and safety issue, and the latter are the object of the human resources issue. Integrating both dimensions in an axis of coordinates, as is shown in figure 1 8see PDF), we could broaden our understanding of decent work as the best interaction between working and employment conditions. In this scenario, informal employment generally represents the worse scenario as unprotected jobs lack employment and income security and are performed in unhealthy and unsafe working conditions. In the middle position would be precariously employed salaried workers, who – although covered by legal regulatory frameworks – are frequently ill-protected by labor inspection, granted limited or insufficient social security coverage, and most probably incapable of demanding healthy working conditions. Finally, the best and desirable scenario would be decent work combining healthy and nurturing employment and working conditions. This framework may contribute to understanding that employment and working conditions are strongly interrelated and that both require attention both from research and policy making. The ILO emphasizes that promoting decent work for all requires realizing fundamental rights at work, creating more and better employment and income opportunities, extending social protection, and promoting social dialogue. We add that this is not only a necessary step towards decent employment but an indispensable one to grant all workers adequate working conditions and thus achieve the goal of decent work in an integral manner. We are in the middle of a great transformation probably comparable to the Industrial Revolution in the 18th and 19th centuries. One which has been accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic (26). An epoque change characterized by a new economic and labor space, as well as a social one – cyberspace – which deepens the digitization of the economy and the exponential increase in the flexibility of the labor market (27). 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10.5271/sjweh.4024 doi (DE-627)DOAJ023477733 (DE-599)DOAJdb133f25ece5415da45ab15858118d74 DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng RA1-1270 Fernando G Benavides verfasserin aut Informal employment, precariousness, and decent work: from research to preventive action 2022 Text txt rdacontent Computermedien c rdamedia Online-Ressource cr rdacarrier Decent work, defined by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 1999 in relation to promoting productive and freely chosen employment, fair income, security in the workplace, guaranteeing rights at work, granting social protection, freedom of organization and creating social dialogue, is a basic condition for the health and wellbeing of workers and their families (1). Underpinned by the Declaration of Philadelphia, which states that all human beings have the right to develop in freedom and dignity, economic security and equal opportunity (2), decent work is key goal number 8 of the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (SDG). However, informal employment – that is work without a contract, legal protection or social security – is the most common employment arrangement in the world. According to the ILO, its share of total employment (SDG indicator 8.3.1) was 61% (2 billion workers) by 2016. While globally the proportion of informal workers is larger among men (63% versus 58% for women), there are more countries (55%) where the share of women in informal employment exceeds that of men (3). In fact, informal employment constitutes a persistent, structural pillar of labor markets, especially in low- and middle-income countries. And while in the USA and the EU, informal employment is around 18% and 15% of the occupied labor force, respectively, figures are 53% for Latin America, and 88% and 77% in Africa and Asia (excluding China), respectively. Despite this overwhelming reality, we have little evidence of the health impact of informal employment. In a seminal study carried out in Brazil, Santana & Loomis (4) showed that workers without job contracts (informal employment) had a 20% greater risk of occupational injury than workers with a contract (formal employment). In a recent 2011 study based on the first working and employment conditions survey in Central America, Lopez-Ruiz et al (5) showed that the lack of social security coverage (informal employment) was associated with a higher prevalence of poor self-perceived health and poor mental health in both genders. Utzet et al (6) confirmed these results in a study based on a sample of 176 786 workers from national working conditions and health surveys carried out in 13 Latin American and Caribbean countries between 2012 and 2018, which found that informal workers (defined by coverage or contribution to a health/pension plan/insurance) reported significantly worse self-perceived health than formal workers, both among women [1.28 (95% CI 1.14–1.43)] and men [1.30 (1.12-1.50)]. In another study, based on ecological data (2000–2016) for 17 Latin American countries, Silva-Peñaherrera et al (7) found a clear and significant positive association between the national rates of informal employment and adult mortality rates. The main hypothesized mechanisms that could explain the relationship between informal employment and poor health include poor employment conditions (low income, employment insecurity, lack of social security and workplace rights, etc.) and poor working conditions (unsafe workplace, poor air quality, heavy load handling, high demand and low control, etc.), as well as poor living conditions and limited access to health services. However, much research is still needed to better understand the health consequences of informal employment and its mechanisms, acknowledging that informal work is a heterogeneous phenomenon that makes both research and policy-making especially challenging. In high-income countries, on the other hand, where informal employment is generally <20% (8), its effect on worker’s health has been studied scarcely (9) and with contradictory results. For example, a study using the European Working Conditions Survey of 2010 did not find differences in self-perceived health between formal and informal employees (10), while another study conducted with data from Spain comparing four different employment profiles only found differences in self perceived health status among women in informal employment (11). An explanation for these results could be that healthcare coverage in Spain is universal, and some social protection services, not necessary by direct contribution to the social security system, are not restricted to formal employees. This might attenuate possible health inequalities resulting from working in informal arrangements. In Chile, using the 2010 employment conditions survey, Ruiz et al (12) found differences in health that were only significant among men. The authors hypothesized that formalization may not be as beneficial for women as men given the higher levels of precariousness of female formal employment and the double burden of unpaid work. Conversely, research on the health impact of precarious employment on formally employed workers have increased in the last two decades (13). In fact, precarious employment, which may affect the full range of standard and non-standard employment arrangements, is considered an emerging determinant of health (14). One reason that could explain this interest, as compared to the volume of research on informal employment and health, is that employment precariousness is a growing problem in high income countries (15, 16). This progress in the available evidence on the association between precarious employment and poor health is also not unrelated to the fact of having a developed a conceptual proposal of the key dimensions of employment precariousness for health, and a measurement instrument, the Employment Precariousness Scale – EPRES (17), which has been adapted to different countries from Chile (18), Spain (19), Sweden (20) and Greece (21) to the European Union (22) more recently. Ervasti & Virtanen (23) has underlined these efforts and their limits. Briefly, we could summarize that informal employment is characterized by the lack of a contract and social security coverage and that precarious employment is characterized by a weak employment relation with different extents of employment insecurity, low wages, limited workplace rights and social protection among formally employed workers. A shared feature of workers in poor employment conditions is that they generally perform less qualified jobs, face more risks at work and lack the power to bargain over their working and employment conditions to improve them (24). Informal and precarious workers are generally invisible for statistics, such as occupational injury and unemployment rates and, as a consequence, do not exist for policy-making or social security purposes. Globally the gap is enormous: only 35% of the world`s employed population has coverage for occupational injuries and <19% of the unemployed receive unemployment benefits (25). To manage this social interaction, we propose a unified conceptual framework of working and employment conditions. For public policy decision-makers and professional practitioners, the former are the classical object of the occupational health and safety issue, and the latter are the object of the human resources issue. Integrating both dimensions in an axis of coordinates, as is shown in figure 1 8see PDF), we could broaden our understanding of decent work as the best interaction between working and employment conditions. In this scenario, informal employment generally represents the worse scenario as unprotected jobs lack employment and income security and are performed in unhealthy and unsafe working conditions. In the middle position would be precariously employed salaried workers, who – although covered by legal regulatory frameworks – are frequently ill-protected by labor inspection, granted limited or insufficient social security coverage, and most probably incapable of demanding healthy working conditions. Finally, the best and desirable scenario would be decent work combining healthy and nurturing employment and working conditions. This framework may contribute to understanding that employment and working conditions are strongly interrelated and that both require attention both from research and policy making. The ILO emphasizes that promoting decent work for all requires realizing fundamental rights at work, creating more and better employment and income opportunities, extending social protection, and promoting social dialogue. We add that this is not only a necessary step towards decent employment but an indispensable one to grant all workers adequate working conditions and thus achieve the goal of decent work in an integral manner. We are in the middle of a great transformation probably comparable to the Industrial Revolution in the 18th and 19th centuries. One which has been accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic (26). An epoque change characterized by a new economic and labor space, as well as a social one – cyberspace – which deepens the digitization of the economy and the exponential increase in the flexibility of the labor market (27). Think of gig-working in delivery or driving, at a high ris... research precarious employment precarious work informal work informal employment precariousness decent work Public aspects of medicine Michael Silva-Peñaherrera verfasserin aut Alejandra Vives verfasserin aut In Scandinavian Journal of Work, Environment & Health Nordic Association of Occupational Safety and Health (NOROSH), 2021 48(2022), 3, Seite 169-172 (DE-627)350781230 (DE-600)2083318-0 1795990X nnns volume:48 year:2022 number:3 pages:169-172 https://doi.org/10.5271/sjweh.4024 kostenfrei https://doaj.org/article/db133f25ece5415da45ab15858118d74 kostenfrei https://www.sjweh.fi/show_abstract.php?abstract_id=4024 kostenfrei https://doaj.org/toc/0355-3140 Journal toc kostenfrei https://doaj.org/toc/1795-990X Journal toc kostenfrei GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_DOAJ SSG-OLC-PHA GBV_ILN_20 GBV_ILN_22 GBV_ILN_23 GBV_ILN_24 GBV_ILN_31 GBV_ILN_39 GBV_ILN_40 GBV_ILN_60 GBV_ILN_62 GBV_ILN_63 GBV_ILN_65 GBV_ILN_69 GBV_ILN_73 GBV_ILN_74 GBV_ILN_95 GBV_ILN_105 GBV_ILN_110 GBV_ILN_151 GBV_ILN_161 GBV_ILN_170 GBV_ILN_206 GBV_ILN_213 GBV_ILN_230 GBV_ILN_285 GBV_ILN_293 GBV_ILN_374 GBV_ILN_602 GBV_ILN_2001 GBV_ILN_2003 GBV_ILN_2005 GBV_ILN_2006 GBV_ILN_2007 GBV_ILN_2008 GBV_ILN_2009 GBV_ILN_2010 GBV_ILN_2011 GBV_ILN_2014 GBV_ILN_2015 GBV_ILN_2018 GBV_ILN_2020 GBV_ILN_2021 GBV_ILN_2026 GBV_ILN_2027 GBV_ILN_2044 GBV_ILN_2050 GBV_ILN_2056 GBV_ILN_2057 GBV_ILN_2061 GBV_ILN_2107 GBV_ILN_2190 GBV_ILN_2949 GBV_ILN_2950 GBV_ILN_4012 GBV_ILN_4035 GBV_ILN_4037 GBV_ILN_4046 GBV_ILN_4112 GBV_ILN_4125 GBV_ILN_4126 GBV_ILN_4242 GBV_ILN_4249 GBV_ILN_4251 GBV_ILN_4305 GBV_ILN_4306 GBV_ILN_4307 GBV_ILN_4313 GBV_ILN_4322 GBV_ILN_4323 GBV_ILN_4324 GBV_ILN_4325 GBV_ILN_4335 GBV_ILN_4338 GBV_ILN_4346 GBV_ILN_4367 GBV_ILN_4393 GBV_ILN_4700 AR 48 2022 3 169-172 |
allfields_unstemmed |
10.5271/sjweh.4024 doi (DE-627)DOAJ023477733 (DE-599)DOAJdb133f25ece5415da45ab15858118d74 DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng RA1-1270 Fernando G Benavides verfasserin aut Informal employment, precariousness, and decent work: from research to preventive action 2022 Text txt rdacontent Computermedien c rdamedia Online-Ressource cr rdacarrier Decent work, defined by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 1999 in relation to promoting productive and freely chosen employment, fair income, security in the workplace, guaranteeing rights at work, granting social protection, freedom of organization and creating social dialogue, is a basic condition for the health and wellbeing of workers and their families (1). Underpinned by the Declaration of Philadelphia, which states that all human beings have the right to develop in freedom and dignity, economic security and equal opportunity (2), decent work is key goal number 8 of the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (SDG). However, informal employment – that is work without a contract, legal protection or social security – is the most common employment arrangement in the world. According to the ILO, its share of total employment (SDG indicator 8.3.1) was 61% (2 billion workers) by 2016. While globally the proportion of informal workers is larger among men (63% versus 58% for women), there are more countries (55%) where the share of women in informal employment exceeds that of men (3). In fact, informal employment constitutes a persistent, structural pillar of labor markets, especially in low- and middle-income countries. And while in the USA and the EU, informal employment is around 18% and 15% of the occupied labor force, respectively, figures are 53% for Latin America, and 88% and 77% in Africa and Asia (excluding China), respectively. Despite this overwhelming reality, we have little evidence of the health impact of informal employment. In a seminal study carried out in Brazil, Santana & Loomis (4) showed that workers without job contracts (informal employment) had a 20% greater risk of occupational injury than workers with a contract (formal employment). In a recent 2011 study based on the first working and employment conditions survey in Central America, Lopez-Ruiz et al (5) showed that the lack of social security coverage (informal employment) was associated with a higher prevalence of poor self-perceived health and poor mental health in both genders. Utzet et al (6) confirmed these results in a study based on a sample of 176 786 workers from national working conditions and health surveys carried out in 13 Latin American and Caribbean countries between 2012 and 2018, which found that informal workers (defined by coverage or contribution to a health/pension plan/insurance) reported significantly worse self-perceived health than formal workers, both among women [1.28 (95% CI 1.14–1.43)] and men [1.30 (1.12-1.50)]. In another study, based on ecological data (2000–2016) for 17 Latin American countries, Silva-Peñaherrera et al (7) found a clear and significant positive association between the national rates of informal employment and adult mortality rates. The main hypothesized mechanisms that could explain the relationship between informal employment and poor health include poor employment conditions (low income, employment insecurity, lack of social security and workplace rights, etc.) and poor working conditions (unsafe workplace, poor air quality, heavy load handling, high demand and low control, etc.), as well as poor living conditions and limited access to health services. However, much research is still needed to better understand the health consequences of informal employment and its mechanisms, acknowledging that informal work is a heterogeneous phenomenon that makes both research and policy-making especially challenging. In high-income countries, on the other hand, where informal employment is generally <20% (8), its effect on worker’s health has been studied scarcely (9) and with contradictory results. For example, a study using the European Working Conditions Survey of 2010 did not find differences in self-perceived health between formal and informal employees (10), while another study conducted with data from Spain comparing four different employment profiles only found differences in self perceived health status among women in informal employment (11). An explanation for these results could be that healthcare coverage in Spain is universal, and some social protection services, not necessary by direct contribution to the social security system, are not restricted to formal employees. This might attenuate possible health inequalities resulting from working in informal arrangements. In Chile, using the 2010 employment conditions survey, Ruiz et al (12) found differences in health that were only significant among men. The authors hypothesized that formalization may not be as beneficial for women as men given the higher levels of precariousness of female formal employment and the double burden of unpaid work. Conversely, research on the health impact of precarious employment on formally employed workers have increased in the last two decades (13). In fact, precarious employment, which may affect the full range of standard and non-standard employment arrangements, is considered an emerging determinant of health (14). One reason that could explain this interest, as compared to the volume of research on informal employment and health, is that employment precariousness is a growing problem in high income countries (15, 16). This progress in the available evidence on the association between precarious employment and poor health is also not unrelated to the fact of having a developed a conceptual proposal of the key dimensions of employment precariousness for health, and a measurement instrument, the Employment Precariousness Scale – EPRES (17), which has been adapted to different countries from Chile (18), Spain (19), Sweden (20) and Greece (21) to the European Union (22) more recently. Ervasti & Virtanen (23) has underlined these efforts and their limits. Briefly, we could summarize that informal employment is characterized by the lack of a contract and social security coverage and that precarious employment is characterized by a weak employment relation with different extents of employment insecurity, low wages, limited workplace rights and social protection among formally employed workers. A shared feature of workers in poor employment conditions is that they generally perform less qualified jobs, face more risks at work and lack the power to bargain over their working and employment conditions to improve them (24). Informal and precarious workers are generally invisible for statistics, such as occupational injury and unemployment rates and, as a consequence, do not exist for policy-making or social security purposes. Globally the gap is enormous: only 35% of the world`s employed population has coverage for occupational injuries and <19% of the unemployed receive unemployment benefits (25). To manage this social interaction, we propose a unified conceptual framework of working and employment conditions. For public policy decision-makers and professional practitioners, the former are the classical object of the occupational health and safety issue, and the latter are the object of the human resources issue. Integrating both dimensions in an axis of coordinates, as is shown in figure 1 8see PDF), we could broaden our understanding of decent work as the best interaction between working and employment conditions. In this scenario, informal employment generally represents the worse scenario as unprotected jobs lack employment and income security and are performed in unhealthy and unsafe working conditions. In the middle position would be precariously employed salaried workers, who – although covered by legal regulatory frameworks – are frequently ill-protected by labor inspection, granted limited or insufficient social security coverage, and most probably incapable of demanding healthy working conditions. Finally, the best and desirable scenario would be decent work combining healthy and nurturing employment and working conditions. This framework may contribute to understanding that employment and working conditions are strongly interrelated and that both require attention both from research and policy making. The ILO emphasizes that promoting decent work for all requires realizing fundamental rights at work, creating more and better employment and income opportunities, extending social protection, and promoting social dialogue. We add that this is not only a necessary step towards decent employment but an indispensable one to grant all workers adequate working conditions and thus achieve the goal of decent work in an integral manner. We are in the middle of a great transformation probably comparable to the Industrial Revolution in the 18th and 19th centuries. One which has been accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic (26). An epoque change characterized by a new economic and labor space, as well as a social one – cyberspace – which deepens the digitization of the economy and the exponential increase in the flexibility of the labor market (27). Think of gig-working in delivery or driving, at a high ris... research precarious employment precarious work informal work informal employment precariousness decent work Public aspects of medicine Michael Silva-Peñaherrera verfasserin aut Alejandra Vives verfasserin aut In Scandinavian Journal of Work, Environment & Health Nordic Association of Occupational Safety and Health (NOROSH), 2021 48(2022), 3, Seite 169-172 (DE-627)350781230 (DE-600)2083318-0 1795990X nnns volume:48 year:2022 number:3 pages:169-172 https://doi.org/10.5271/sjweh.4024 kostenfrei https://doaj.org/article/db133f25ece5415da45ab15858118d74 kostenfrei https://www.sjweh.fi/show_abstract.php?abstract_id=4024 kostenfrei https://doaj.org/toc/0355-3140 Journal toc kostenfrei https://doaj.org/toc/1795-990X Journal toc kostenfrei GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_DOAJ SSG-OLC-PHA GBV_ILN_20 GBV_ILN_22 GBV_ILN_23 GBV_ILN_24 GBV_ILN_31 GBV_ILN_39 GBV_ILN_40 GBV_ILN_60 GBV_ILN_62 GBV_ILN_63 GBV_ILN_65 GBV_ILN_69 GBV_ILN_73 GBV_ILN_74 GBV_ILN_95 GBV_ILN_105 GBV_ILN_110 GBV_ILN_151 GBV_ILN_161 GBV_ILN_170 GBV_ILN_206 GBV_ILN_213 GBV_ILN_230 GBV_ILN_285 GBV_ILN_293 GBV_ILN_374 GBV_ILN_602 GBV_ILN_2001 GBV_ILN_2003 GBV_ILN_2005 GBV_ILN_2006 GBV_ILN_2007 GBV_ILN_2008 GBV_ILN_2009 GBV_ILN_2010 GBV_ILN_2011 GBV_ILN_2014 GBV_ILN_2015 GBV_ILN_2018 GBV_ILN_2020 GBV_ILN_2021 GBV_ILN_2026 GBV_ILN_2027 GBV_ILN_2044 GBV_ILN_2050 GBV_ILN_2056 GBV_ILN_2057 GBV_ILN_2061 GBV_ILN_2107 GBV_ILN_2190 GBV_ILN_2949 GBV_ILN_2950 GBV_ILN_4012 GBV_ILN_4035 GBV_ILN_4037 GBV_ILN_4046 GBV_ILN_4112 GBV_ILN_4125 GBV_ILN_4126 GBV_ILN_4242 GBV_ILN_4249 GBV_ILN_4251 GBV_ILN_4305 GBV_ILN_4306 GBV_ILN_4307 GBV_ILN_4313 GBV_ILN_4322 GBV_ILN_4323 GBV_ILN_4324 GBV_ILN_4325 GBV_ILN_4335 GBV_ILN_4338 GBV_ILN_4346 GBV_ILN_4367 GBV_ILN_4393 GBV_ILN_4700 AR 48 2022 3 169-172 |
allfieldsGer |
10.5271/sjweh.4024 doi (DE-627)DOAJ023477733 (DE-599)DOAJdb133f25ece5415da45ab15858118d74 DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng RA1-1270 Fernando G Benavides verfasserin aut Informal employment, precariousness, and decent work: from research to preventive action 2022 Text txt rdacontent Computermedien c rdamedia Online-Ressource cr rdacarrier Decent work, defined by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 1999 in relation to promoting productive and freely chosen employment, fair income, security in the workplace, guaranteeing rights at work, granting social protection, freedom of organization and creating social dialogue, is a basic condition for the health and wellbeing of workers and their families (1). Underpinned by the Declaration of Philadelphia, which states that all human beings have the right to develop in freedom and dignity, economic security and equal opportunity (2), decent work is key goal number 8 of the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (SDG). However, informal employment – that is work without a contract, legal protection or social security – is the most common employment arrangement in the world. According to the ILO, its share of total employment (SDG indicator 8.3.1) was 61% (2 billion workers) by 2016. While globally the proportion of informal workers is larger among men (63% versus 58% for women), there are more countries (55%) where the share of women in informal employment exceeds that of men (3). In fact, informal employment constitutes a persistent, structural pillar of labor markets, especially in low- and middle-income countries. And while in the USA and the EU, informal employment is around 18% and 15% of the occupied labor force, respectively, figures are 53% for Latin America, and 88% and 77% in Africa and Asia (excluding China), respectively. Despite this overwhelming reality, we have little evidence of the health impact of informal employment. In a seminal study carried out in Brazil, Santana & Loomis (4) showed that workers without job contracts (informal employment) had a 20% greater risk of occupational injury than workers with a contract (formal employment). In a recent 2011 study based on the first working and employment conditions survey in Central America, Lopez-Ruiz et al (5) showed that the lack of social security coverage (informal employment) was associated with a higher prevalence of poor self-perceived health and poor mental health in both genders. Utzet et al (6) confirmed these results in a study based on a sample of 176 786 workers from national working conditions and health surveys carried out in 13 Latin American and Caribbean countries between 2012 and 2018, which found that informal workers (defined by coverage or contribution to a health/pension plan/insurance) reported significantly worse self-perceived health than formal workers, both among women [1.28 (95% CI 1.14–1.43)] and men [1.30 (1.12-1.50)]. In another study, based on ecological data (2000–2016) for 17 Latin American countries, Silva-Peñaherrera et al (7) found a clear and significant positive association between the national rates of informal employment and adult mortality rates. The main hypothesized mechanisms that could explain the relationship between informal employment and poor health include poor employment conditions (low income, employment insecurity, lack of social security and workplace rights, etc.) and poor working conditions (unsafe workplace, poor air quality, heavy load handling, high demand and low control, etc.), as well as poor living conditions and limited access to health services. However, much research is still needed to better understand the health consequences of informal employment and its mechanisms, acknowledging that informal work is a heterogeneous phenomenon that makes both research and policy-making especially challenging. In high-income countries, on the other hand, where informal employment is generally <20% (8), its effect on worker’s health has been studied scarcely (9) and with contradictory results. For example, a study using the European Working Conditions Survey of 2010 did not find differences in self-perceived health between formal and informal employees (10), while another study conducted with data from Spain comparing four different employment profiles only found differences in self perceived health status among women in informal employment (11). An explanation for these results could be that healthcare coverage in Spain is universal, and some social protection services, not necessary by direct contribution to the social security system, are not restricted to formal employees. This might attenuate possible health inequalities resulting from working in informal arrangements. In Chile, using the 2010 employment conditions survey, Ruiz et al (12) found differences in health that were only significant among men. The authors hypothesized that formalization may not be as beneficial for women as men given the higher levels of precariousness of female formal employment and the double burden of unpaid work. Conversely, research on the health impact of precarious employment on formally employed workers have increased in the last two decades (13). In fact, precarious employment, which may affect the full range of standard and non-standard employment arrangements, is considered an emerging determinant of health (14). One reason that could explain this interest, as compared to the volume of research on informal employment and health, is that employment precariousness is a growing problem in high income countries (15, 16). This progress in the available evidence on the association between precarious employment and poor health is also not unrelated to the fact of having a developed a conceptual proposal of the key dimensions of employment precariousness for health, and a measurement instrument, the Employment Precariousness Scale – EPRES (17), which has been adapted to different countries from Chile (18), Spain (19), Sweden (20) and Greece (21) to the European Union (22) more recently. Ervasti & Virtanen (23) has underlined these efforts and their limits. Briefly, we could summarize that informal employment is characterized by the lack of a contract and social security coverage and that precarious employment is characterized by a weak employment relation with different extents of employment insecurity, low wages, limited workplace rights and social protection among formally employed workers. A shared feature of workers in poor employment conditions is that they generally perform less qualified jobs, face more risks at work and lack the power to bargain over their working and employment conditions to improve them (24). Informal and precarious workers are generally invisible for statistics, such as occupational injury and unemployment rates and, as a consequence, do not exist for policy-making or social security purposes. Globally the gap is enormous: only 35% of the world`s employed population has coverage for occupational injuries and <19% of the unemployed receive unemployment benefits (25). To manage this social interaction, we propose a unified conceptual framework of working and employment conditions. For public policy decision-makers and professional practitioners, the former are the classical object of the occupational health and safety issue, and the latter are the object of the human resources issue. Integrating both dimensions in an axis of coordinates, as is shown in figure 1 8see PDF), we could broaden our understanding of decent work as the best interaction between working and employment conditions. In this scenario, informal employment generally represents the worse scenario as unprotected jobs lack employment and income security and are performed in unhealthy and unsafe working conditions. In the middle position would be precariously employed salaried workers, who – although covered by legal regulatory frameworks – are frequently ill-protected by labor inspection, granted limited or insufficient social security coverage, and most probably incapable of demanding healthy working conditions. Finally, the best and desirable scenario would be decent work combining healthy and nurturing employment and working conditions. This framework may contribute to understanding that employment and working conditions are strongly interrelated and that both require attention both from research and policy making. The ILO emphasizes that promoting decent work for all requires realizing fundamental rights at work, creating more and better employment and income opportunities, extending social protection, and promoting social dialogue. We add that this is not only a necessary step towards decent employment but an indispensable one to grant all workers adequate working conditions and thus achieve the goal of decent work in an integral manner. We are in the middle of a great transformation probably comparable to the Industrial Revolution in the 18th and 19th centuries. One which has been accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic (26). An epoque change characterized by a new economic and labor space, as well as a social one – cyberspace – which deepens the digitization of the economy and the exponential increase in the flexibility of the labor market (27). Think of gig-working in delivery or driving, at a high ris... research precarious employment precarious work informal work informal employment precariousness decent work Public aspects of medicine Michael Silva-Peñaherrera verfasserin aut Alejandra Vives verfasserin aut In Scandinavian Journal of Work, Environment & Health Nordic Association of Occupational Safety and Health (NOROSH), 2021 48(2022), 3, Seite 169-172 (DE-627)350781230 (DE-600)2083318-0 1795990X nnns volume:48 year:2022 number:3 pages:169-172 https://doi.org/10.5271/sjweh.4024 kostenfrei https://doaj.org/article/db133f25ece5415da45ab15858118d74 kostenfrei https://www.sjweh.fi/show_abstract.php?abstract_id=4024 kostenfrei https://doaj.org/toc/0355-3140 Journal toc kostenfrei https://doaj.org/toc/1795-990X Journal toc kostenfrei GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_DOAJ SSG-OLC-PHA GBV_ILN_20 GBV_ILN_22 GBV_ILN_23 GBV_ILN_24 GBV_ILN_31 GBV_ILN_39 GBV_ILN_40 GBV_ILN_60 GBV_ILN_62 GBV_ILN_63 GBV_ILN_65 GBV_ILN_69 GBV_ILN_73 GBV_ILN_74 GBV_ILN_95 GBV_ILN_105 GBV_ILN_110 GBV_ILN_151 GBV_ILN_161 GBV_ILN_170 GBV_ILN_206 GBV_ILN_213 GBV_ILN_230 GBV_ILN_285 GBV_ILN_293 GBV_ILN_374 GBV_ILN_602 GBV_ILN_2001 GBV_ILN_2003 GBV_ILN_2005 GBV_ILN_2006 GBV_ILN_2007 GBV_ILN_2008 GBV_ILN_2009 GBV_ILN_2010 GBV_ILN_2011 GBV_ILN_2014 GBV_ILN_2015 GBV_ILN_2018 GBV_ILN_2020 GBV_ILN_2021 GBV_ILN_2026 GBV_ILN_2027 GBV_ILN_2044 GBV_ILN_2050 GBV_ILN_2056 GBV_ILN_2057 GBV_ILN_2061 GBV_ILN_2107 GBV_ILN_2190 GBV_ILN_2949 GBV_ILN_2950 GBV_ILN_4012 GBV_ILN_4035 GBV_ILN_4037 GBV_ILN_4046 GBV_ILN_4112 GBV_ILN_4125 GBV_ILN_4126 GBV_ILN_4242 GBV_ILN_4249 GBV_ILN_4251 GBV_ILN_4305 GBV_ILN_4306 GBV_ILN_4307 GBV_ILN_4313 GBV_ILN_4322 GBV_ILN_4323 GBV_ILN_4324 GBV_ILN_4325 GBV_ILN_4335 GBV_ILN_4338 GBV_ILN_4346 GBV_ILN_4367 GBV_ILN_4393 GBV_ILN_4700 AR 48 2022 3 169-172 |
allfieldsSound |
10.5271/sjweh.4024 doi (DE-627)DOAJ023477733 (DE-599)DOAJdb133f25ece5415da45ab15858118d74 DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng RA1-1270 Fernando G Benavides verfasserin aut Informal employment, precariousness, and decent work: from research to preventive action 2022 Text txt rdacontent Computermedien c rdamedia Online-Ressource cr rdacarrier Decent work, defined by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 1999 in relation to promoting productive and freely chosen employment, fair income, security in the workplace, guaranteeing rights at work, granting social protection, freedom of organization and creating social dialogue, is a basic condition for the health and wellbeing of workers and their families (1). Underpinned by the Declaration of Philadelphia, which states that all human beings have the right to develop in freedom and dignity, economic security and equal opportunity (2), decent work is key goal number 8 of the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (SDG). However, informal employment – that is work without a contract, legal protection or social security – is the most common employment arrangement in the world. According to the ILO, its share of total employment (SDG indicator 8.3.1) was 61% (2 billion workers) by 2016. While globally the proportion of informal workers is larger among men (63% versus 58% for women), there are more countries (55%) where the share of women in informal employment exceeds that of men (3). In fact, informal employment constitutes a persistent, structural pillar of labor markets, especially in low- and middle-income countries. And while in the USA and the EU, informal employment is around 18% and 15% of the occupied labor force, respectively, figures are 53% for Latin America, and 88% and 77% in Africa and Asia (excluding China), respectively. Despite this overwhelming reality, we have little evidence of the health impact of informal employment. In a seminal study carried out in Brazil, Santana & Loomis (4) showed that workers without job contracts (informal employment) had a 20% greater risk of occupational injury than workers with a contract (formal employment). In a recent 2011 study based on the first working and employment conditions survey in Central America, Lopez-Ruiz et al (5) showed that the lack of social security coverage (informal employment) was associated with a higher prevalence of poor self-perceived health and poor mental health in both genders. Utzet et al (6) confirmed these results in a study based on a sample of 176 786 workers from national working conditions and health surveys carried out in 13 Latin American and Caribbean countries between 2012 and 2018, which found that informal workers (defined by coverage or contribution to a health/pension plan/insurance) reported significantly worse self-perceived health than formal workers, both among women [1.28 (95% CI 1.14–1.43)] and men [1.30 (1.12-1.50)]. In another study, based on ecological data (2000–2016) for 17 Latin American countries, Silva-Peñaherrera et al (7) found a clear and significant positive association between the national rates of informal employment and adult mortality rates. The main hypothesized mechanisms that could explain the relationship between informal employment and poor health include poor employment conditions (low income, employment insecurity, lack of social security and workplace rights, etc.) and poor working conditions (unsafe workplace, poor air quality, heavy load handling, high demand and low control, etc.), as well as poor living conditions and limited access to health services. However, much research is still needed to better understand the health consequences of informal employment and its mechanisms, acknowledging that informal work is a heterogeneous phenomenon that makes both research and policy-making especially challenging. In high-income countries, on the other hand, where informal employment is generally <20% (8), its effect on worker’s health has been studied scarcely (9) and with contradictory results. For example, a study using the European Working Conditions Survey of 2010 did not find differences in self-perceived health between formal and informal employees (10), while another study conducted with data from Spain comparing four different employment profiles only found differences in self perceived health status among women in informal employment (11). An explanation for these results could be that healthcare coverage in Spain is universal, and some social protection services, not necessary by direct contribution to the social security system, are not restricted to formal employees. This might attenuate possible health inequalities resulting from working in informal arrangements. In Chile, using the 2010 employment conditions survey, Ruiz et al (12) found differences in health that were only significant among men. The authors hypothesized that formalization may not be as beneficial for women as men given the higher levels of precariousness of female formal employment and the double burden of unpaid work. Conversely, research on the health impact of precarious employment on formally employed workers have increased in the last two decades (13). In fact, precarious employment, which may affect the full range of standard and non-standard employment arrangements, is considered an emerging determinant of health (14). One reason that could explain this interest, as compared to the volume of research on informal employment and health, is that employment precariousness is a growing problem in high income countries (15, 16). This progress in the available evidence on the association between precarious employment and poor health is also not unrelated to the fact of having a developed a conceptual proposal of the key dimensions of employment precariousness for health, and a measurement instrument, the Employment Precariousness Scale – EPRES (17), which has been adapted to different countries from Chile (18), Spain (19), Sweden (20) and Greece (21) to the European Union (22) more recently. Ervasti & Virtanen (23) has underlined these efforts and their limits. Briefly, we could summarize that informal employment is characterized by the lack of a contract and social security coverage and that precarious employment is characterized by a weak employment relation with different extents of employment insecurity, low wages, limited workplace rights and social protection among formally employed workers. A shared feature of workers in poor employment conditions is that they generally perform less qualified jobs, face more risks at work and lack the power to bargain over their working and employment conditions to improve them (24). Informal and precarious workers are generally invisible for statistics, such as occupational injury and unemployment rates and, as a consequence, do not exist for policy-making or social security purposes. Globally the gap is enormous: only 35% of the world`s employed population has coverage for occupational injuries and <19% of the unemployed receive unemployment benefits (25). To manage this social interaction, we propose a unified conceptual framework of working and employment conditions. For public policy decision-makers and professional practitioners, the former are the classical object of the occupational health and safety issue, and the latter are the object of the human resources issue. Integrating both dimensions in an axis of coordinates, as is shown in figure 1 8see PDF), we could broaden our understanding of decent work as the best interaction between working and employment conditions. In this scenario, informal employment generally represents the worse scenario as unprotected jobs lack employment and income security and are performed in unhealthy and unsafe working conditions. In the middle position would be precariously employed salaried workers, who – although covered by legal regulatory frameworks – are frequently ill-protected by labor inspection, granted limited or insufficient social security coverage, and most probably incapable of demanding healthy working conditions. Finally, the best and desirable scenario would be decent work combining healthy and nurturing employment and working conditions. This framework may contribute to understanding that employment and working conditions are strongly interrelated and that both require attention both from research and policy making. The ILO emphasizes that promoting decent work for all requires realizing fundamental rights at work, creating more and better employment and income opportunities, extending social protection, and promoting social dialogue. We add that this is not only a necessary step towards decent employment but an indispensable one to grant all workers adequate working conditions and thus achieve the goal of decent work in an integral manner. We are in the middle of a great transformation probably comparable to the Industrial Revolution in the 18th and 19th centuries. One which has been accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic (26). An epoque change characterized by a new economic and labor space, as well as a social one – cyberspace – which deepens the digitization of the economy and the exponential increase in the flexibility of the labor market (27). Think of gig-working in delivery or driving, at a high ris... research precarious employment precarious work informal work informal employment precariousness decent work Public aspects of medicine Michael Silva-Peñaherrera verfasserin aut Alejandra Vives verfasserin aut In Scandinavian Journal of Work, Environment & Health Nordic Association of Occupational Safety and Health (NOROSH), 2021 48(2022), 3, Seite 169-172 (DE-627)350781230 (DE-600)2083318-0 1795990X nnns volume:48 year:2022 number:3 pages:169-172 https://doi.org/10.5271/sjweh.4024 kostenfrei https://doaj.org/article/db133f25ece5415da45ab15858118d74 kostenfrei https://www.sjweh.fi/show_abstract.php?abstract_id=4024 kostenfrei https://doaj.org/toc/0355-3140 Journal toc kostenfrei https://doaj.org/toc/1795-990X Journal toc kostenfrei GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_DOAJ SSG-OLC-PHA GBV_ILN_20 GBV_ILN_22 GBV_ILN_23 GBV_ILN_24 GBV_ILN_31 GBV_ILN_39 GBV_ILN_40 GBV_ILN_60 GBV_ILN_62 GBV_ILN_63 GBV_ILN_65 GBV_ILN_69 GBV_ILN_73 GBV_ILN_74 GBV_ILN_95 GBV_ILN_105 GBV_ILN_110 GBV_ILN_151 GBV_ILN_161 GBV_ILN_170 GBV_ILN_206 GBV_ILN_213 GBV_ILN_230 GBV_ILN_285 GBV_ILN_293 GBV_ILN_374 GBV_ILN_602 GBV_ILN_2001 GBV_ILN_2003 GBV_ILN_2005 GBV_ILN_2006 GBV_ILN_2007 GBV_ILN_2008 GBV_ILN_2009 GBV_ILN_2010 GBV_ILN_2011 GBV_ILN_2014 GBV_ILN_2015 GBV_ILN_2018 GBV_ILN_2020 GBV_ILN_2021 GBV_ILN_2026 GBV_ILN_2027 GBV_ILN_2044 GBV_ILN_2050 GBV_ILN_2056 GBV_ILN_2057 GBV_ILN_2061 GBV_ILN_2107 GBV_ILN_2190 GBV_ILN_2949 GBV_ILN_2950 GBV_ILN_4012 GBV_ILN_4035 GBV_ILN_4037 GBV_ILN_4046 GBV_ILN_4112 GBV_ILN_4125 GBV_ILN_4126 GBV_ILN_4242 GBV_ILN_4249 GBV_ILN_4251 GBV_ILN_4305 GBV_ILN_4306 GBV_ILN_4307 GBV_ILN_4313 GBV_ILN_4322 GBV_ILN_4323 GBV_ILN_4324 GBV_ILN_4325 GBV_ILN_4335 GBV_ILN_4338 GBV_ILN_4346 GBV_ILN_4367 GBV_ILN_4393 GBV_ILN_4700 AR 48 2022 3 169-172 |
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<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><collection xmlns="http://www.loc.gov/MARC21/slim"><record><leader>01000caa a22002652 4500</leader><controlfield tag="001">DOAJ023477733</controlfield><controlfield tag="003">DE-627</controlfield><controlfield tag="005">20230502131845.0</controlfield><controlfield tag="007">cr uuu---uuuuu</controlfield><controlfield tag="008">230226s2022 xx |||||o 00| ||eng c</controlfield><datafield tag="024" ind1="7" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">10.5271/sjweh.4024</subfield><subfield code="2">doi</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="035" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">(DE-627)DOAJ023477733</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="035" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">(DE-599)DOAJdb133f25ece5415da45ab15858118d74</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="040" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">DE-627</subfield><subfield code="b">ger</subfield><subfield code="c">DE-627</subfield><subfield code="e">rakwb</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="041" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">eng</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="050" ind1=" " ind2="0"><subfield code="a">RA1-1270</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="100" ind1="0" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Fernando G Benavides</subfield><subfield code="e">verfasserin</subfield><subfield code="4">aut</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="245" ind1="1" ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Informal employment, precariousness, and decent work: from research to preventive action</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="264" ind1=" " ind2="1"><subfield code="c">2022</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="336" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Text</subfield><subfield code="b">txt</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacontent</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="337" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Computermedien</subfield><subfield code="b">c</subfield><subfield code="2">rdamedia</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="338" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Online-Ressource</subfield><subfield code="b">cr</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacarrier</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="520" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Decent work, defined by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 1999 in relation to promoting productive and freely chosen employment, fair income, security in the workplace, guaranteeing rights at work, granting social protection, freedom of organization and creating social dialogue, is a basic condition for the health and wellbeing of workers and their families (1). Underpinned by the Declaration of Philadelphia, which states that all human beings have the right to develop in freedom and dignity, economic security and equal opportunity (2), decent work is key goal number 8 of the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (SDG). However, informal employment – that is work without a contract, legal protection or social security – is the most common employment arrangement in the world. According to the ILO, its share of total employment (SDG indicator 8.3.1) was 61% (2 billion workers) by 2016. While globally the proportion of informal workers is larger among men (63% versus 58% for women), there are more countries (55%) where the share of women in informal employment exceeds that of men (3). In fact, informal employment constitutes a persistent, structural pillar of labor markets, especially in low- and middle-income countries. And while in the USA and the EU, informal employment is around 18% and 15% of the occupied labor force, respectively, figures are 53% for Latin America, and 88% and 77% in Africa and Asia (excluding China), respectively. Despite this overwhelming reality, we have little evidence of the health impact of informal employment. In a seminal study carried out in Brazil, Santana & Loomis (4) showed that workers without job contracts (informal employment) had a 20% greater risk of occupational injury than workers with a contract (formal employment). In a recent 2011 study based on the first working and employment conditions survey in Central America, Lopez-Ruiz et al (5) showed that the lack of social security coverage (informal employment) was associated with a higher prevalence of poor self-perceived health and poor mental health in both genders. Utzet et al (6) confirmed these results in a study based on a sample of 176 786 workers from national working conditions and health surveys carried out in 13 Latin American and Caribbean countries between 2012 and 2018, which found that informal workers (defined by coverage or contribution to a health/pension plan/insurance) reported significantly worse self-perceived health than formal workers, both among women [1.28 (95% CI 1.14–1.43)] and men [1.30 (1.12-1.50)]. In another study, based on ecological data (2000–2016) for 17 Latin American countries, Silva-Peñaherrera et al (7) found a clear and significant positive association between the national rates of informal employment and adult mortality rates. The main hypothesized mechanisms that could explain the relationship between informal employment and poor health include poor employment conditions (low income, employment insecurity, lack of social security and workplace rights, etc.) and poor working conditions (unsafe workplace, poor air quality, heavy load handling, high demand and low control, etc.), as well as poor living conditions and limited access to health services. However, much research is still needed to better understand the health consequences of informal employment and its mechanisms, acknowledging that informal work is a heterogeneous phenomenon that makes both research and policy-making especially challenging. In high-income countries, on the other hand, where informal employment is generally <20% (8), its effect on worker’s health has been studied scarcely (9) and with contradictory results. For example, a study using the European Working Conditions Survey of 2010 did not find differences in self-perceived health between formal and informal employees (10), while another study conducted with data from Spain comparing four different employment profiles only found differences in self perceived health status among women in informal employment (11). An explanation for these results could be that healthcare coverage in Spain is universal, and some social protection services, not necessary by direct contribution to the social security system, are not restricted to formal employees. This might attenuate possible health inequalities resulting from working in informal arrangements. In Chile, using the 2010 employment conditions survey, Ruiz et al (12) found differences in health that were only significant among men. The authors hypothesized that formalization may not be as beneficial for women as men given the higher levels of precariousness of female formal employment and the double burden of unpaid work. Conversely, research on the health impact of precarious employment on formally employed workers have increased in the last two decades (13). In fact, precarious employment, which may affect the full range of standard and non-standard employment arrangements, is considered an emerging determinant of health (14). One reason that could explain this interest, as compared to the volume of research on informal employment and health, is that employment precariousness is a growing problem in high income countries (15, 16). This progress in the available evidence on the association between precarious employment and poor health is also not unrelated to the fact of having a developed a conceptual proposal of the key dimensions of employment precariousness for health, and a measurement instrument, the Employment Precariousness Scale – EPRES (17), which has been adapted to different countries from Chile (18), Spain (19), Sweden (20) and Greece (21) to the European Union (22) more recently. Ervasti & Virtanen (23) has underlined these efforts and their limits. Briefly, we could summarize that informal employment is characterized by the lack of a contract and social security coverage and that precarious employment is characterized by a weak employment relation with different extents of employment insecurity, low wages, limited workplace rights and social protection among formally employed workers. A shared feature of workers in poor employment conditions is that they generally perform less qualified jobs, face more risks at work and lack the power to bargain over their working and employment conditions to improve them (24). Informal and precarious workers are generally invisible for statistics, such as occupational injury and unemployment rates and, as a consequence, do not exist for policy-making or social security purposes. Globally the gap is enormous: only 35% of the world`s employed population has coverage for occupational injuries and <19% of the unemployed receive unemployment benefits (25). To manage this social interaction, we propose a unified conceptual framework of working and employment conditions. For public policy decision-makers and professional practitioners, the former are the classical object of the occupational health and safety issue, and the latter are the object of the human resources issue. Integrating both dimensions in an axis of coordinates, as is shown in figure 1 8see PDF), we could broaden our understanding of decent work as the best interaction between working and employment conditions. In this scenario, informal employment generally represents the worse scenario as unprotected jobs lack employment and income security and are performed in unhealthy and unsafe working conditions. In the middle position would be precariously employed salaried workers, who – although covered by legal regulatory frameworks – are frequently ill-protected by labor inspection, granted limited or insufficient social security coverage, and most probably incapable of demanding healthy working conditions. Finally, the best and desirable scenario would be decent work combining healthy and nurturing employment and working conditions. This framework may contribute to understanding that employment and working conditions are strongly interrelated and that both require attention both from research and policy making. The ILO emphasizes that promoting decent work for all requires realizing fundamental rights at work, creating more and better employment and income opportunities, extending social protection, and promoting social dialogue. We add that this is not only a necessary step towards decent employment but an indispensable one to grant all workers adequate working conditions and thus achieve the goal of decent work in an integral manner. We are in the middle of a great transformation probably comparable to the Industrial Revolution in the 18th and 19th centuries. One which has been accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic (26). 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RA1-1270 Informal employment, precariousness, and decent work: from research to preventive action research precarious employment precarious work informal work informal employment precariousness decent work |
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Informal employment, precariousness, and decent work: from research to preventive action |
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Fernando G Benavides Michael Silva-Peñaherrera Alejandra Vives |
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informal employment, precariousness, and decent work: from research to preventive action |
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Informal employment, precariousness, and decent work: from research to preventive action |
abstract |
Decent work, defined by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 1999 in relation to promoting productive and freely chosen employment, fair income, security in the workplace, guaranteeing rights at work, granting social protection, freedom of organization and creating social dialogue, is a basic condition for the health and wellbeing of workers and their families (1). Underpinned by the Declaration of Philadelphia, which states that all human beings have the right to develop in freedom and dignity, economic security and equal opportunity (2), decent work is key goal number 8 of the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (SDG). However, informal employment – that is work without a contract, legal protection or social security – is the most common employment arrangement in the world. According to the ILO, its share of total employment (SDG indicator 8.3.1) was 61% (2 billion workers) by 2016. While globally the proportion of informal workers is larger among men (63% versus 58% for women), there are more countries (55%) where the share of women in informal employment exceeds that of men (3). In fact, informal employment constitutes a persistent, structural pillar of labor markets, especially in low- and middle-income countries. And while in the USA and the EU, informal employment is around 18% and 15% of the occupied labor force, respectively, figures are 53% for Latin America, and 88% and 77% in Africa and Asia (excluding China), respectively. Despite this overwhelming reality, we have little evidence of the health impact of informal employment. In a seminal study carried out in Brazil, Santana & Loomis (4) showed that workers without job contracts (informal employment) had a 20% greater risk of occupational injury than workers with a contract (formal employment). In a recent 2011 study based on the first working and employment conditions survey in Central America, Lopez-Ruiz et al (5) showed that the lack of social security coverage (informal employment) was associated with a higher prevalence of poor self-perceived health and poor mental health in both genders. Utzet et al (6) confirmed these results in a study based on a sample of 176 786 workers from national working conditions and health surveys carried out in 13 Latin American and Caribbean countries between 2012 and 2018, which found that informal workers (defined by coverage or contribution to a health/pension plan/insurance) reported significantly worse self-perceived health than formal workers, both among women [1.28 (95% CI 1.14–1.43)] and men [1.30 (1.12-1.50)]. In another study, based on ecological data (2000–2016) for 17 Latin American countries, Silva-Peñaherrera et al (7) found a clear and significant positive association between the national rates of informal employment and adult mortality rates. The main hypothesized mechanisms that could explain the relationship between informal employment and poor health include poor employment conditions (low income, employment insecurity, lack of social security and workplace rights, etc.) and poor working conditions (unsafe workplace, poor air quality, heavy load handling, high demand and low control, etc.), as well as poor living conditions and limited access to health services. However, much research is still needed to better understand the health consequences of informal employment and its mechanisms, acknowledging that informal work is a heterogeneous phenomenon that makes both research and policy-making especially challenging. In high-income countries, on the other hand, where informal employment is generally <20% (8), its effect on worker’s health has been studied scarcely (9) and with contradictory results. For example, a study using the European Working Conditions Survey of 2010 did not find differences in self-perceived health between formal and informal employees (10), while another study conducted with data from Spain comparing four different employment profiles only found differences in self perceived health status among women in informal employment (11). An explanation for these results could be that healthcare coverage in Spain is universal, and some social protection services, not necessary by direct contribution to the social security system, are not restricted to formal employees. This might attenuate possible health inequalities resulting from working in informal arrangements. In Chile, using the 2010 employment conditions survey, Ruiz et al (12) found differences in health that were only significant among men. The authors hypothesized that formalization may not be as beneficial for women as men given the higher levels of precariousness of female formal employment and the double burden of unpaid work. Conversely, research on the health impact of precarious employment on formally employed workers have increased in the last two decades (13). In fact, precarious employment, which may affect the full range of standard and non-standard employment arrangements, is considered an emerging determinant of health (14). One reason that could explain this interest, as compared to the volume of research on informal employment and health, is that employment precariousness is a growing problem in high income countries (15, 16). This progress in the available evidence on the association between precarious employment and poor health is also not unrelated to the fact of having a developed a conceptual proposal of the key dimensions of employment precariousness for health, and a measurement instrument, the Employment Precariousness Scale – EPRES (17), which has been adapted to different countries from Chile (18), Spain (19), Sweden (20) and Greece (21) to the European Union (22) more recently. Ervasti & Virtanen (23) has underlined these efforts and their limits. Briefly, we could summarize that informal employment is characterized by the lack of a contract and social security coverage and that precarious employment is characterized by a weak employment relation with different extents of employment insecurity, low wages, limited workplace rights and social protection among formally employed workers. A shared feature of workers in poor employment conditions is that they generally perform less qualified jobs, face more risks at work and lack the power to bargain over their working and employment conditions to improve them (24). Informal and precarious workers are generally invisible for statistics, such as occupational injury and unemployment rates and, as a consequence, do not exist for policy-making or social security purposes. Globally the gap is enormous: only 35% of the world`s employed population has coverage for occupational injuries and <19% of the unemployed receive unemployment benefits (25). To manage this social interaction, we propose a unified conceptual framework of working and employment conditions. For public policy decision-makers and professional practitioners, the former are the classical object of the occupational health and safety issue, and the latter are the object of the human resources issue. Integrating both dimensions in an axis of coordinates, as is shown in figure 1 8see PDF), we could broaden our understanding of decent work as the best interaction between working and employment conditions. In this scenario, informal employment generally represents the worse scenario as unprotected jobs lack employment and income security and are performed in unhealthy and unsafe working conditions. In the middle position would be precariously employed salaried workers, who – although covered by legal regulatory frameworks – are frequently ill-protected by labor inspection, granted limited or insufficient social security coverage, and most probably incapable of demanding healthy working conditions. Finally, the best and desirable scenario would be decent work combining healthy and nurturing employment and working conditions. This framework may contribute to understanding that employment and working conditions are strongly interrelated and that both require attention both from research and policy making. The ILO emphasizes that promoting decent work for all requires realizing fundamental rights at work, creating more and better employment and income opportunities, extending social protection, and promoting social dialogue. We add that this is not only a necessary step towards decent employment but an indispensable one to grant all workers adequate working conditions and thus achieve the goal of decent work in an integral manner. We are in the middle of a great transformation probably comparable to the Industrial Revolution in the 18th and 19th centuries. One which has been accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic (26). An epoque change characterized by a new economic and labor space, as well as a social one – cyberspace – which deepens the digitization of the economy and the exponential increase in the flexibility of the labor market (27). Think of gig-working in delivery or driving, at a high ris... |
abstractGer |
Decent work, defined by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 1999 in relation to promoting productive and freely chosen employment, fair income, security in the workplace, guaranteeing rights at work, granting social protection, freedom of organization and creating social dialogue, is a basic condition for the health and wellbeing of workers and their families (1). Underpinned by the Declaration of Philadelphia, which states that all human beings have the right to develop in freedom and dignity, economic security and equal opportunity (2), decent work is key goal number 8 of the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (SDG). However, informal employment – that is work without a contract, legal protection or social security – is the most common employment arrangement in the world. According to the ILO, its share of total employment (SDG indicator 8.3.1) was 61% (2 billion workers) by 2016. While globally the proportion of informal workers is larger among men (63% versus 58% for women), there are more countries (55%) where the share of women in informal employment exceeds that of men (3). In fact, informal employment constitutes a persistent, structural pillar of labor markets, especially in low- and middle-income countries. And while in the USA and the EU, informal employment is around 18% and 15% of the occupied labor force, respectively, figures are 53% for Latin America, and 88% and 77% in Africa and Asia (excluding China), respectively. Despite this overwhelming reality, we have little evidence of the health impact of informal employment. In a seminal study carried out in Brazil, Santana & Loomis (4) showed that workers without job contracts (informal employment) had a 20% greater risk of occupational injury than workers with a contract (formal employment). In a recent 2011 study based on the first working and employment conditions survey in Central America, Lopez-Ruiz et al (5) showed that the lack of social security coverage (informal employment) was associated with a higher prevalence of poor self-perceived health and poor mental health in both genders. Utzet et al (6) confirmed these results in a study based on a sample of 176 786 workers from national working conditions and health surveys carried out in 13 Latin American and Caribbean countries between 2012 and 2018, which found that informal workers (defined by coverage or contribution to a health/pension plan/insurance) reported significantly worse self-perceived health than formal workers, both among women [1.28 (95% CI 1.14–1.43)] and men [1.30 (1.12-1.50)]. In another study, based on ecological data (2000–2016) for 17 Latin American countries, Silva-Peñaherrera et al (7) found a clear and significant positive association between the national rates of informal employment and adult mortality rates. The main hypothesized mechanisms that could explain the relationship between informal employment and poor health include poor employment conditions (low income, employment insecurity, lack of social security and workplace rights, etc.) and poor working conditions (unsafe workplace, poor air quality, heavy load handling, high demand and low control, etc.), as well as poor living conditions and limited access to health services. However, much research is still needed to better understand the health consequences of informal employment and its mechanisms, acknowledging that informal work is a heterogeneous phenomenon that makes both research and policy-making especially challenging. In high-income countries, on the other hand, where informal employment is generally <20% (8), its effect on worker’s health has been studied scarcely (9) and with contradictory results. For example, a study using the European Working Conditions Survey of 2010 did not find differences in self-perceived health between formal and informal employees (10), while another study conducted with data from Spain comparing four different employment profiles only found differences in self perceived health status among women in informal employment (11). An explanation for these results could be that healthcare coverage in Spain is universal, and some social protection services, not necessary by direct contribution to the social security system, are not restricted to formal employees. This might attenuate possible health inequalities resulting from working in informal arrangements. In Chile, using the 2010 employment conditions survey, Ruiz et al (12) found differences in health that were only significant among men. The authors hypothesized that formalization may not be as beneficial for women as men given the higher levels of precariousness of female formal employment and the double burden of unpaid work. Conversely, research on the health impact of precarious employment on formally employed workers have increased in the last two decades (13). In fact, precarious employment, which may affect the full range of standard and non-standard employment arrangements, is considered an emerging determinant of health (14). One reason that could explain this interest, as compared to the volume of research on informal employment and health, is that employment precariousness is a growing problem in high income countries (15, 16). This progress in the available evidence on the association between precarious employment and poor health is also not unrelated to the fact of having a developed a conceptual proposal of the key dimensions of employment precariousness for health, and a measurement instrument, the Employment Precariousness Scale – EPRES (17), which has been adapted to different countries from Chile (18), Spain (19), Sweden (20) and Greece (21) to the European Union (22) more recently. Ervasti & Virtanen (23) has underlined these efforts and their limits. Briefly, we could summarize that informal employment is characterized by the lack of a contract and social security coverage and that precarious employment is characterized by a weak employment relation with different extents of employment insecurity, low wages, limited workplace rights and social protection among formally employed workers. A shared feature of workers in poor employment conditions is that they generally perform less qualified jobs, face more risks at work and lack the power to bargain over their working and employment conditions to improve them (24). Informal and precarious workers are generally invisible for statistics, such as occupational injury and unemployment rates and, as a consequence, do not exist for policy-making or social security purposes. Globally the gap is enormous: only 35% of the world`s employed population has coverage for occupational injuries and <19% of the unemployed receive unemployment benefits (25). To manage this social interaction, we propose a unified conceptual framework of working and employment conditions. For public policy decision-makers and professional practitioners, the former are the classical object of the occupational health and safety issue, and the latter are the object of the human resources issue. Integrating both dimensions in an axis of coordinates, as is shown in figure 1 8see PDF), we could broaden our understanding of decent work as the best interaction between working and employment conditions. In this scenario, informal employment generally represents the worse scenario as unprotected jobs lack employment and income security and are performed in unhealthy and unsafe working conditions. In the middle position would be precariously employed salaried workers, who – although covered by legal regulatory frameworks – are frequently ill-protected by labor inspection, granted limited or insufficient social security coverage, and most probably incapable of demanding healthy working conditions. Finally, the best and desirable scenario would be decent work combining healthy and nurturing employment and working conditions. This framework may contribute to understanding that employment and working conditions are strongly interrelated and that both require attention both from research and policy making. The ILO emphasizes that promoting decent work for all requires realizing fundamental rights at work, creating more and better employment and income opportunities, extending social protection, and promoting social dialogue. We add that this is not only a necessary step towards decent employment but an indispensable one to grant all workers adequate working conditions and thus achieve the goal of decent work in an integral manner. We are in the middle of a great transformation probably comparable to the Industrial Revolution in the 18th and 19th centuries. One which has been accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic (26). An epoque change characterized by a new economic and labor space, as well as a social one – cyberspace – which deepens the digitization of the economy and the exponential increase in the flexibility of the labor market (27). Think of gig-working in delivery or driving, at a high ris... |
abstract_unstemmed |
Decent work, defined by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 1999 in relation to promoting productive and freely chosen employment, fair income, security in the workplace, guaranteeing rights at work, granting social protection, freedom of organization and creating social dialogue, is a basic condition for the health and wellbeing of workers and their families (1). Underpinned by the Declaration of Philadelphia, which states that all human beings have the right to develop in freedom and dignity, economic security and equal opportunity (2), decent work is key goal number 8 of the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (SDG). However, informal employment – that is work without a contract, legal protection or social security – is the most common employment arrangement in the world. According to the ILO, its share of total employment (SDG indicator 8.3.1) was 61% (2 billion workers) by 2016. While globally the proportion of informal workers is larger among men (63% versus 58% for women), there are more countries (55%) where the share of women in informal employment exceeds that of men (3). In fact, informal employment constitutes a persistent, structural pillar of labor markets, especially in low- and middle-income countries. And while in the USA and the EU, informal employment is around 18% and 15% of the occupied labor force, respectively, figures are 53% for Latin America, and 88% and 77% in Africa and Asia (excluding China), respectively. Despite this overwhelming reality, we have little evidence of the health impact of informal employment. In a seminal study carried out in Brazil, Santana & Loomis (4) showed that workers without job contracts (informal employment) had a 20% greater risk of occupational injury than workers with a contract (formal employment). In a recent 2011 study based on the first working and employment conditions survey in Central America, Lopez-Ruiz et al (5) showed that the lack of social security coverage (informal employment) was associated with a higher prevalence of poor self-perceived health and poor mental health in both genders. Utzet et al (6) confirmed these results in a study based on a sample of 176 786 workers from national working conditions and health surveys carried out in 13 Latin American and Caribbean countries between 2012 and 2018, which found that informal workers (defined by coverage or contribution to a health/pension plan/insurance) reported significantly worse self-perceived health than formal workers, both among women [1.28 (95% CI 1.14–1.43)] and men [1.30 (1.12-1.50)]. In another study, based on ecological data (2000–2016) for 17 Latin American countries, Silva-Peñaherrera et al (7) found a clear and significant positive association between the national rates of informal employment and adult mortality rates. The main hypothesized mechanisms that could explain the relationship between informal employment and poor health include poor employment conditions (low income, employment insecurity, lack of social security and workplace rights, etc.) and poor working conditions (unsafe workplace, poor air quality, heavy load handling, high demand and low control, etc.), as well as poor living conditions and limited access to health services. However, much research is still needed to better understand the health consequences of informal employment and its mechanisms, acknowledging that informal work is a heterogeneous phenomenon that makes both research and policy-making especially challenging. In high-income countries, on the other hand, where informal employment is generally <20% (8), its effect on worker’s health has been studied scarcely (9) and with contradictory results. For example, a study using the European Working Conditions Survey of 2010 did not find differences in self-perceived health between formal and informal employees (10), while another study conducted with data from Spain comparing four different employment profiles only found differences in self perceived health status among women in informal employment (11). An explanation for these results could be that healthcare coverage in Spain is universal, and some social protection services, not necessary by direct contribution to the social security system, are not restricted to formal employees. This might attenuate possible health inequalities resulting from working in informal arrangements. In Chile, using the 2010 employment conditions survey, Ruiz et al (12) found differences in health that were only significant among men. The authors hypothesized that formalization may not be as beneficial for women as men given the higher levels of precariousness of female formal employment and the double burden of unpaid work. Conversely, research on the health impact of precarious employment on formally employed workers have increased in the last two decades (13). In fact, precarious employment, which may affect the full range of standard and non-standard employment arrangements, is considered an emerging determinant of health (14). One reason that could explain this interest, as compared to the volume of research on informal employment and health, is that employment precariousness is a growing problem in high income countries (15, 16). This progress in the available evidence on the association between precarious employment and poor health is also not unrelated to the fact of having a developed a conceptual proposal of the key dimensions of employment precariousness for health, and a measurement instrument, the Employment Precariousness Scale – EPRES (17), which has been adapted to different countries from Chile (18), Spain (19), Sweden (20) and Greece (21) to the European Union (22) more recently. Ervasti & Virtanen (23) has underlined these efforts and their limits. Briefly, we could summarize that informal employment is characterized by the lack of a contract and social security coverage and that precarious employment is characterized by a weak employment relation with different extents of employment insecurity, low wages, limited workplace rights and social protection among formally employed workers. A shared feature of workers in poor employment conditions is that they generally perform less qualified jobs, face more risks at work and lack the power to bargain over their working and employment conditions to improve them (24). Informal and precarious workers are generally invisible for statistics, such as occupational injury and unemployment rates and, as a consequence, do not exist for policy-making or social security purposes. Globally the gap is enormous: only 35% of the world`s employed population has coverage for occupational injuries and <19% of the unemployed receive unemployment benefits (25). To manage this social interaction, we propose a unified conceptual framework of working and employment conditions. For public policy decision-makers and professional practitioners, the former are the classical object of the occupational health and safety issue, and the latter are the object of the human resources issue. Integrating both dimensions in an axis of coordinates, as is shown in figure 1 8see PDF), we could broaden our understanding of decent work as the best interaction between working and employment conditions. In this scenario, informal employment generally represents the worse scenario as unprotected jobs lack employment and income security and are performed in unhealthy and unsafe working conditions. In the middle position would be precariously employed salaried workers, who – although covered by legal regulatory frameworks – are frequently ill-protected by labor inspection, granted limited or insufficient social security coverage, and most probably incapable of demanding healthy working conditions. Finally, the best and desirable scenario would be decent work combining healthy and nurturing employment and working conditions. This framework may contribute to understanding that employment and working conditions are strongly interrelated and that both require attention both from research and policy making. The ILO emphasizes that promoting decent work for all requires realizing fundamental rights at work, creating more and better employment and income opportunities, extending social protection, and promoting social dialogue. We add that this is not only a necessary step towards decent employment but an indispensable one to grant all workers adequate working conditions and thus achieve the goal of decent work in an integral manner. We are in the middle of a great transformation probably comparable to the Industrial Revolution in the 18th and 19th centuries. One which has been accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic (26). An epoque change characterized by a new economic and labor space, as well as a social one – cyberspace – which deepens the digitization of the economy and the exponential increase in the flexibility of the labor market (27). Think of gig-working in delivery or driving, at a high ris... |
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Informal employment, precariousness, and decent work: from research to preventive action |
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https://doi.org/10.5271/sjweh.4024 https://doaj.org/article/db133f25ece5415da45ab15858118d74 https://www.sjweh.fi/show_abstract.php?abstract_id=4024 https://doaj.org/toc/0355-3140 https://doaj.org/toc/1795-990X |
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Michael Silva-Peñaherrera Alejandra Vives |
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2024-07-03T17:49:41.662Z |
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<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><collection xmlns="http://www.loc.gov/MARC21/slim"><record><leader>01000caa a22002652 4500</leader><controlfield tag="001">DOAJ023477733</controlfield><controlfield tag="003">DE-627</controlfield><controlfield tag="005">20230502131845.0</controlfield><controlfield tag="007">cr uuu---uuuuu</controlfield><controlfield tag="008">230226s2022 xx |||||o 00| ||eng c</controlfield><datafield tag="024" ind1="7" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">10.5271/sjweh.4024</subfield><subfield code="2">doi</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="035" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">(DE-627)DOAJ023477733</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="035" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">(DE-599)DOAJdb133f25ece5415da45ab15858118d74</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="040" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">DE-627</subfield><subfield code="b">ger</subfield><subfield code="c">DE-627</subfield><subfield code="e">rakwb</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="041" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">eng</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="050" ind1=" " ind2="0"><subfield code="a">RA1-1270</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="100" ind1="0" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Fernando G Benavides</subfield><subfield code="e">verfasserin</subfield><subfield code="4">aut</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="245" ind1="1" ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Informal employment, precariousness, and decent work: from research to preventive action</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="264" ind1=" " ind2="1"><subfield code="c">2022</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="336" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Text</subfield><subfield code="b">txt</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacontent</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="337" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Computermedien</subfield><subfield code="b">c</subfield><subfield code="2">rdamedia</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="338" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Online-Ressource</subfield><subfield code="b">cr</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacarrier</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="520" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Decent work, defined by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 1999 in relation to promoting productive and freely chosen employment, fair income, security in the workplace, guaranteeing rights at work, granting social protection, freedom of organization and creating social dialogue, is a basic condition for the health and wellbeing of workers and their families (1). Underpinned by the Declaration of Philadelphia, which states that all human beings have the right to develop in freedom and dignity, economic security and equal opportunity (2), decent work is key goal number 8 of the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (SDG). However, informal employment – that is work without a contract, legal protection or social security – is the most common employment arrangement in the world. According to the ILO, its share of total employment (SDG indicator 8.3.1) was 61% (2 billion workers) by 2016. While globally the proportion of informal workers is larger among men (63% versus 58% for women), there are more countries (55%) where the share of women in informal employment exceeds that of men (3). In fact, informal employment constitutes a persistent, structural pillar of labor markets, especially in low- and middle-income countries. And while in the USA and the EU, informal employment is around 18% and 15% of the occupied labor force, respectively, figures are 53% for Latin America, and 88% and 77% in Africa and Asia (excluding China), respectively. Despite this overwhelming reality, we have little evidence of the health impact of informal employment. In a seminal study carried out in Brazil, Santana & Loomis (4) showed that workers without job contracts (informal employment) had a 20% greater risk of occupational injury than workers with a contract (formal employment). In a recent 2011 study based on the first working and employment conditions survey in Central America, Lopez-Ruiz et al (5) showed that the lack of social security coverage (informal employment) was associated with a higher prevalence of poor self-perceived health and poor mental health in both genders. Utzet et al (6) confirmed these results in a study based on a sample of 176 786 workers from national working conditions and health surveys carried out in 13 Latin American and Caribbean countries between 2012 and 2018, which found that informal workers (defined by coverage or contribution to a health/pension plan/insurance) reported significantly worse self-perceived health than formal workers, both among women [1.28 (95% CI 1.14–1.43)] and men [1.30 (1.12-1.50)]. In another study, based on ecological data (2000–2016) for 17 Latin American countries, Silva-Peñaherrera et al (7) found a clear and significant positive association between the national rates of informal employment and adult mortality rates. The main hypothesized mechanisms that could explain the relationship between informal employment and poor health include poor employment conditions (low income, employment insecurity, lack of social security and workplace rights, etc.) and poor working conditions (unsafe workplace, poor air quality, heavy load handling, high demand and low control, etc.), as well as poor living conditions and limited access to health services. However, much research is still needed to better understand the health consequences of informal employment and its mechanisms, acknowledging that informal work is a heterogeneous phenomenon that makes both research and policy-making especially challenging. In high-income countries, on the other hand, where informal employment is generally <20% (8), its effect on worker’s health has been studied scarcely (9) and with contradictory results. For example, a study using the European Working Conditions Survey of 2010 did not find differences in self-perceived health between formal and informal employees (10), while another study conducted with data from Spain comparing four different employment profiles only found differences in self perceived health status among women in informal employment (11). An explanation for these results could be that healthcare coverage in Spain is universal, and some social protection services, not necessary by direct contribution to the social security system, are not restricted to formal employees. This might attenuate possible health inequalities resulting from working in informal arrangements. In Chile, using the 2010 employment conditions survey, Ruiz et al (12) found differences in health that were only significant among men. The authors hypothesized that formalization may not be as beneficial for women as men given the higher levels of precariousness of female formal employment and the double burden of unpaid work. Conversely, research on the health impact of precarious employment on formally employed workers have increased in the last two decades (13). In fact, precarious employment, which may affect the full range of standard and non-standard employment arrangements, is considered an emerging determinant of health (14). One reason that could explain this interest, as compared to the volume of research on informal employment and health, is that employment precariousness is a growing problem in high income countries (15, 16). This progress in the available evidence on the association between precarious employment and poor health is also not unrelated to the fact of having a developed a conceptual proposal of the key dimensions of employment precariousness for health, and a measurement instrument, the Employment Precariousness Scale – EPRES (17), which has been adapted to different countries from Chile (18), Spain (19), Sweden (20) and Greece (21) to the European Union (22) more recently. Ervasti & Virtanen (23) has underlined these efforts and their limits. Briefly, we could summarize that informal employment is characterized by the lack of a contract and social security coverage and that precarious employment is characterized by a weak employment relation with different extents of employment insecurity, low wages, limited workplace rights and social protection among formally employed workers. A shared feature of workers in poor employment conditions is that they generally perform less qualified jobs, face more risks at work and lack the power to bargain over their working and employment conditions to improve them (24). Informal and precarious workers are generally invisible for statistics, such as occupational injury and unemployment rates and, as a consequence, do not exist for policy-making or social security purposes. Globally the gap is enormous: only 35% of the world`s employed population has coverage for occupational injuries and <19% of the unemployed receive unemployment benefits (25). To manage this social interaction, we propose a unified conceptual framework of working and employment conditions. For public policy decision-makers and professional practitioners, the former are the classical object of the occupational health and safety issue, and the latter are the object of the human resources issue. Integrating both dimensions in an axis of coordinates, as is shown in figure 1 8see PDF), we could broaden our understanding of decent work as the best interaction between working and employment conditions. In this scenario, informal employment generally represents the worse scenario as unprotected jobs lack employment and income security and are performed in unhealthy and unsafe working conditions. In the middle position would be precariously employed salaried workers, who – although covered by legal regulatory frameworks – are frequently ill-protected by labor inspection, granted limited or insufficient social security coverage, and most probably incapable of demanding healthy working conditions. Finally, the best and desirable scenario would be decent work combining healthy and nurturing employment and working conditions. This framework may contribute to understanding that employment and working conditions are strongly interrelated and that both require attention both from research and policy making. The ILO emphasizes that promoting decent work for all requires realizing fundamental rights at work, creating more and better employment and income opportunities, extending social protection, and promoting social dialogue. We add that this is not only a necessary step towards decent employment but an indispensable one to grant all workers adequate working conditions and thus achieve the goal of decent work in an integral manner. We are in the middle of a great transformation probably comparable to the Industrial Revolution in the 18th and 19th centuries. One which has been accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic (26). An epoque change characterized by a new economic and labor space, as well as a social one – cyberspace – which deepens the digitization of the economy and the exponential increase in the flexibility of the labor market (27). 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