Pitfalls of shared innovations: Genealogical classification of the Tsezic languages and the controversial position of Hinukh (North Caucasus)
This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language,...
Ausführliche Beschreibung
Autor*in: |
Kassian, Alexei S. [verfasserIn] |
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E-Artikel |
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Englisch |
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2017transfer abstract |
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Umfang: |
21 |
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Übergeordnetes Werk: |
Enthalten in: Hybrid Legendre Block-Pulse functions for the numerical solutions of system of nonlinear Fredholm–Hammerstein integral equations - Sahu, P.K. ELSEVIER, 2015transfer abstract, international review of general linguistics, New York, NY [u.a.] |
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Übergeordnetes Werk: |
volume:196 ; year:2017 ; pages:98-118 ; extent:21 |
Links: |
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DOI / URN: |
10.1016/j.lingua.2017.06.011 |
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ELV040612171 |
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245 | 1 | 0 | |a Pitfalls of shared innovations: Genealogical classification of the Tsezic languages and the controversial position of Hinukh (North Caucasus) |
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520 | |a This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language, and some previously proposed formal classifications based on lexical data appear to confirm this. However, the new and advanced lexicostatistical classification used in this paper suggests that Hinukh and Tsez do not in fact form a distinct clade. We examine Hinukh and Tsez historical phonology as well as morphological and syntactic features, upon which the traditional expert classifications have rested, and find that all exclusive traits seemingly shared by Hinukh and Tsez are either illusory or due to contact-driven parallel development or may simply represent Proto-Tsezic retentions. In other words, there is no phonological and grammatical evidence for a hypothetical Tsez-Hinukh protolanguage. On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper. | ||
520 | |a This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language, and some previously proposed formal classifications based on lexical data appear to confirm this. However, the new and advanced lexicostatistical classification used in this paper suggests that Hinukh and Tsez do not in fact form a distinct clade. We examine Hinukh and Tsez historical phonology as well as morphological and syntactic features, upon which the traditional expert classifications have rested, and find that all exclusive traits seemingly shared by Hinukh and Tsez are either illusory or due to contact-driven parallel development or may simply represent Proto-Tsezic retentions. In other words, there is no phonological and grammatical evidence for a hypothetical Tsez-Hinukh protolanguage. On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper. | ||
650 | 7 | |a East Caucasian languages |2 Elsevier | |
650 | 7 | |a Tsezic languages |2 Elsevier | |
650 | 7 | |a Lexicostatistics |2 Elsevier | |
650 | 7 | |a Phylogeny reconstruction |2 Elsevier | |
650 | 7 | |a Hinukh |2 Elsevier | |
650 | 7 | |a Shared innovations |2 Elsevier | |
700 | 1 | |a Testelets, Yakov G. |4 oth | |
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10.1016/j.lingua.2017.06.011 doi GBVA2017021000026.pica (DE-627)ELV040612171 (ELSEVIER)S0024-3841(17)30108-0 DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng 400 400 DNB 510 VZ 530 VZ UA 1000 VZ rvk (DE-625)rvk/145215: 33.40 bkl 33.50 bkl 39.22 bkl Kassian, Alexei S. verfasserin aut Pitfalls of shared innovations: Genealogical classification of the Tsezic languages and the controversial position of Hinukh (North Caucasus) 2017transfer abstract 21 nicht spezifiziert zzz rdacontent nicht spezifiziert z rdamedia nicht spezifiziert zu rdacarrier This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language, and some previously proposed formal classifications based on lexical data appear to confirm this. However, the new and advanced lexicostatistical classification used in this paper suggests that Hinukh and Tsez do not in fact form a distinct clade. We examine Hinukh and Tsez historical phonology as well as morphological and syntactic features, upon which the traditional expert classifications have rested, and find that all exclusive traits seemingly shared by Hinukh and Tsez are either illusory or due to contact-driven parallel development or may simply represent Proto-Tsezic retentions. In other words, there is no phonological and grammatical evidence for a hypothetical Tsez-Hinukh protolanguage. On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper. This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language, and some previously proposed formal classifications based on lexical data appear to confirm this. However, the new and advanced lexicostatistical classification used in this paper suggests that Hinukh and Tsez do not in fact form a distinct clade. We examine Hinukh and Tsez historical phonology as well as morphological and syntactic features, upon which the traditional expert classifications have rested, and find that all exclusive traits seemingly shared by Hinukh and Tsez are either illusory or due to contact-driven parallel development or may simply represent Proto-Tsezic retentions. In other words, there is no phonological and grammatical evidence for a hypothetical Tsez-Hinukh protolanguage. On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper. East Caucasian languages Elsevier Tsezic languages Elsevier Lexicostatistics Elsevier Phylogeny reconstruction Elsevier Hinukh Elsevier Shared innovations Elsevier Testelets, Yakov G. oth Enthalten in Elsevier Sahu, P.K. ELSEVIER Hybrid Legendre Block-Pulse functions for the numerical solutions of system of nonlinear Fredholm–Hammerstein integral equations 2015transfer abstract international review of general linguistics New York, NY [u.a.] (DE-627)ELV018159184 volume:196 year:2017 pages:98-118 extent:21 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2017.06.011 Volltext GBV_USEFLAG_U GBV_ELV SYSFLAG_U SSG-OLC-PHY SSG-OPC-AST GBV_ILN_40 GBV_ILN_62 GBV_ILN_2006 GBV_ILN_2020 GBV_ILN_2027 UA 1000 Referateblätter und Zeitschriften Physik Referateblätter und Zeitschriften (DE-625)rvk/145215: (DE-576)329175343 33.40 Kernphysik VZ 33.50 Physik der Elementarteilchen und Felder: Allgemeines VZ 39.22 Astrophysik VZ AR 196 2017 98-118 21 045F 400 |
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10.1016/j.lingua.2017.06.011 doi GBVA2017021000026.pica (DE-627)ELV040612171 (ELSEVIER)S0024-3841(17)30108-0 DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng 400 400 DNB 510 VZ 530 VZ UA 1000 VZ rvk (DE-625)rvk/145215: 33.40 bkl 33.50 bkl 39.22 bkl Kassian, Alexei S. verfasserin aut Pitfalls of shared innovations: Genealogical classification of the Tsezic languages and the controversial position of Hinukh (North Caucasus) 2017transfer abstract 21 nicht spezifiziert zzz rdacontent nicht spezifiziert z rdamedia nicht spezifiziert zu rdacarrier This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language, and some previously proposed formal classifications based on lexical data appear to confirm this. However, the new and advanced lexicostatistical classification used in this paper suggests that Hinukh and Tsez do not in fact form a distinct clade. We examine Hinukh and Tsez historical phonology as well as morphological and syntactic features, upon which the traditional expert classifications have rested, and find that all exclusive traits seemingly shared by Hinukh and Tsez are either illusory or due to contact-driven parallel development or may simply represent Proto-Tsezic retentions. In other words, there is no phonological and grammatical evidence for a hypothetical Tsez-Hinukh protolanguage. On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper. This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language, and some previously proposed formal classifications based on lexical data appear to confirm this. However, the new and advanced lexicostatistical classification used in this paper suggests that Hinukh and Tsez do not in fact form a distinct clade. We examine Hinukh and Tsez historical phonology as well as morphological and syntactic features, upon which the traditional expert classifications have rested, and find that all exclusive traits seemingly shared by Hinukh and Tsez are either illusory or due to contact-driven parallel development or may simply represent Proto-Tsezic retentions. In other words, there is no phonological and grammatical evidence for a hypothetical Tsez-Hinukh protolanguage. On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper. East Caucasian languages Elsevier Tsezic languages Elsevier Lexicostatistics Elsevier Phylogeny reconstruction Elsevier Hinukh Elsevier Shared innovations Elsevier Testelets, Yakov G. oth Enthalten in Elsevier Sahu, P.K. ELSEVIER Hybrid Legendre Block-Pulse functions for the numerical solutions of system of nonlinear Fredholm–Hammerstein integral equations 2015transfer abstract international review of general linguistics New York, NY [u.a.] (DE-627)ELV018159184 volume:196 year:2017 pages:98-118 extent:21 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2017.06.011 Volltext GBV_USEFLAG_U GBV_ELV SYSFLAG_U SSG-OLC-PHY SSG-OPC-AST GBV_ILN_40 GBV_ILN_62 GBV_ILN_2006 GBV_ILN_2020 GBV_ILN_2027 UA 1000 Referateblätter und Zeitschriften Physik Referateblätter und Zeitschriften (DE-625)rvk/145215: (DE-576)329175343 33.40 Kernphysik VZ 33.50 Physik der Elementarteilchen und Felder: Allgemeines VZ 39.22 Astrophysik VZ AR 196 2017 98-118 21 045F 400 |
allfields_unstemmed |
10.1016/j.lingua.2017.06.011 doi GBVA2017021000026.pica (DE-627)ELV040612171 (ELSEVIER)S0024-3841(17)30108-0 DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng 400 400 DNB 510 VZ 530 VZ UA 1000 VZ rvk (DE-625)rvk/145215: 33.40 bkl 33.50 bkl 39.22 bkl Kassian, Alexei S. verfasserin aut Pitfalls of shared innovations: Genealogical classification of the Tsezic languages and the controversial position of Hinukh (North Caucasus) 2017transfer abstract 21 nicht spezifiziert zzz rdacontent nicht spezifiziert z rdamedia nicht spezifiziert zu rdacarrier This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language, and some previously proposed formal classifications based on lexical data appear to confirm this. However, the new and advanced lexicostatistical classification used in this paper suggests that Hinukh and Tsez do not in fact form a distinct clade. We examine Hinukh and Tsez historical phonology as well as morphological and syntactic features, upon which the traditional expert classifications have rested, and find that all exclusive traits seemingly shared by Hinukh and Tsez are either illusory or due to contact-driven parallel development or may simply represent Proto-Tsezic retentions. In other words, there is no phonological and grammatical evidence for a hypothetical Tsez-Hinukh protolanguage. On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper. This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language, and some previously proposed formal classifications based on lexical data appear to confirm this. However, the new and advanced lexicostatistical classification used in this paper suggests that Hinukh and Tsez do not in fact form a distinct clade. We examine Hinukh and Tsez historical phonology as well as morphological and syntactic features, upon which the traditional expert classifications have rested, and find that all exclusive traits seemingly shared by Hinukh and Tsez are either illusory or due to contact-driven parallel development or may simply represent Proto-Tsezic retentions. In other words, there is no phonological and grammatical evidence for a hypothetical Tsez-Hinukh protolanguage. On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper. East Caucasian languages Elsevier Tsezic languages Elsevier Lexicostatistics Elsevier Phylogeny reconstruction Elsevier Hinukh Elsevier Shared innovations Elsevier Testelets, Yakov G. oth Enthalten in Elsevier Sahu, P.K. ELSEVIER Hybrid Legendre Block-Pulse functions for the numerical solutions of system of nonlinear Fredholm–Hammerstein integral equations 2015transfer abstract international review of general linguistics New York, NY [u.a.] (DE-627)ELV018159184 volume:196 year:2017 pages:98-118 extent:21 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2017.06.011 Volltext GBV_USEFLAG_U GBV_ELV SYSFLAG_U SSG-OLC-PHY SSG-OPC-AST GBV_ILN_40 GBV_ILN_62 GBV_ILN_2006 GBV_ILN_2020 GBV_ILN_2027 UA 1000 Referateblätter und Zeitschriften Physik Referateblätter und Zeitschriften (DE-625)rvk/145215: (DE-576)329175343 33.40 Kernphysik VZ 33.50 Physik der Elementarteilchen und Felder: Allgemeines VZ 39.22 Astrophysik VZ AR 196 2017 98-118 21 045F 400 |
allfieldsGer |
10.1016/j.lingua.2017.06.011 doi GBVA2017021000026.pica (DE-627)ELV040612171 (ELSEVIER)S0024-3841(17)30108-0 DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng 400 400 DNB 510 VZ 530 VZ UA 1000 VZ rvk (DE-625)rvk/145215: 33.40 bkl 33.50 bkl 39.22 bkl Kassian, Alexei S. verfasserin aut Pitfalls of shared innovations: Genealogical classification of the Tsezic languages and the controversial position of Hinukh (North Caucasus) 2017transfer abstract 21 nicht spezifiziert zzz rdacontent nicht spezifiziert z rdamedia nicht spezifiziert zu rdacarrier This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language, and some previously proposed formal classifications based on lexical data appear to confirm this. However, the new and advanced lexicostatistical classification used in this paper suggests that Hinukh and Tsez do not in fact form a distinct clade. We examine Hinukh and Tsez historical phonology as well as morphological and syntactic features, upon which the traditional expert classifications have rested, and find that all exclusive traits seemingly shared by Hinukh and Tsez are either illusory or due to contact-driven parallel development or may simply represent Proto-Tsezic retentions. In other words, there is no phonological and grammatical evidence for a hypothetical Tsez-Hinukh protolanguage. On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper. This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language, and some previously proposed formal classifications based on lexical data appear to confirm this. However, the new and advanced lexicostatistical classification used in this paper suggests that Hinukh and Tsez do not in fact form a distinct clade. We examine Hinukh and Tsez historical phonology as well as morphological and syntactic features, upon which the traditional expert classifications have rested, and find that all exclusive traits seemingly shared by Hinukh and Tsez are either illusory or due to contact-driven parallel development or may simply represent Proto-Tsezic retentions. In other words, there is no phonological and grammatical evidence for a hypothetical Tsez-Hinukh protolanguage. On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper. East Caucasian languages Elsevier Tsezic languages Elsevier Lexicostatistics Elsevier Phylogeny reconstruction Elsevier Hinukh Elsevier Shared innovations Elsevier Testelets, Yakov G. oth Enthalten in Elsevier Sahu, P.K. ELSEVIER Hybrid Legendre Block-Pulse functions for the numerical solutions of system of nonlinear Fredholm–Hammerstein integral equations 2015transfer abstract international review of general linguistics New York, NY [u.a.] (DE-627)ELV018159184 volume:196 year:2017 pages:98-118 extent:21 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2017.06.011 Volltext GBV_USEFLAG_U GBV_ELV SYSFLAG_U SSG-OLC-PHY SSG-OPC-AST GBV_ILN_40 GBV_ILN_62 GBV_ILN_2006 GBV_ILN_2020 GBV_ILN_2027 UA 1000 Referateblätter und Zeitschriften Physik Referateblätter und Zeitschriften (DE-625)rvk/145215: (DE-576)329175343 33.40 Kernphysik VZ 33.50 Physik der Elementarteilchen und Felder: Allgemeines VZ 39.22 Astrophysik VZ AR 196 2017 98-118 21 045F 400 |
allfieldsSound |
10.1016/j.lingua.2017.06.011 doi GBVA2017021000026.pica (DE-627)ELV040612171 (ELSEVIER)S0024-3841(17)30108-0 DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng 400 400 DNB 510 VZ 530 VZ UA 1000 VZ rvk (DE-625)rvk/145215: 33.40 bkl 33.50 bkl 39.22 bkl Kassian, Alexei S. verfasserin aut Pitfalls of shared innovations: Genealogical classification of the Tsezic languages and the controversial position of Hinukh (North Caucasus) 2017transfer abstract 21 nicht spezifiziert zzz rdacontent nicht spezifiziert z rdamedia nicht spezifiziert zu rdacarrier This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language, and some previously proposed formal classifications based on lexical data appear to confirm this. However, the new and advanced lexicostatistical classification used in this paper suggests that Hinukh and Tsez do not in fact form a distinct clade. We examine Hinukh and Tsez historical phonology as well as morphological and syntactic features, upon which the traditional expert classifications have rested, and find that all exclusive traits seemingly shared by Hinukh and Tsez are either illusory or due to contact-driven parallel development or may simply represent Proto-Tsezic retentions. In other words, there is no phonological and grammatical evidence for a hypothetical Tsez-Hinukh protolanguage. On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper. This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language, and some previously proposed formal classifications based on lexical data appear to confirm this. However, the new and advanced lexicostatistical classification used in this paper suggests that Hinukh and Tsez do not in fact form a distinct clade. We examine Hinukh and Tsez historical phonology as well as morphological and syntactic features, upon which the traditional expert classifications have rested, and find that all exclusive traits seemingly shared by Hinukh and Tsez are either illusory or due to contact-driven parallel development or may simply represent Proto-Tsezic retentions. In other words, there is no phonological and grammatical evidence for a hypothetical Tsez-Hinukh protolanguage. On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper. East Caucasian languages Elsevier Tsezic languages Elsevier Lexicostatistics Elsevier Phylogeny reconstruction Elsevier Hinukh Elsevier Shared innovations Elsevier Testelets, Yakov G. oth Enthalten in Elsevier Sahu, P.K. ELSEVIER Hybrid Legendre Block-Pulse functions for the numerical solutions of system of nonlinear Fredholm–Hammerstein integral equations 2015transfer abstract international review of general linguistics New York, NY [u.a.] (DE-627)ELV018159184 volume:196 year:2017 pages:98-118 extent:21 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2017.06.011 Volltext GBV_USEFLAG_U GBV_ELV SYSFLAG_U SSG-OLC-PHY SSG-OPC-AST GBV_ILN_40 GBV_ILN_62 GBV_ILN_2006 GBV_ILN_2020 GBV_ILN_2027 UA 1000 Referateblätter und Zeitschriften Physik Referateblätter und Zeitschriften (DE-625)rvk/145215: (DE-576)329175343 33.40 Kernphysik VZ 33.50 Physik der Elementarteilchen und Felder: Allgemeines VZ 39.22 Astrophysik VZ AR 196 2017 98-118 21 045F 400 |
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Enthalten in Hybrid Legendre Block-Pulse functions for the numerical solutions of system of nonlinear Fredholm–Hammerstein integral equations New York, NY [u.a.] volume:196 year:2017 pages:98-118 extent:21 |
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Enthalten in Hybrid Legendre Block-Pulse functions for the numerical solutions of system of nonlinear Fredholm–Hammerstein integral equations New York, NY [u.a.] volume:196 year:2017 pages:98-118 extent:21 |
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Pitfalls of shared innovations: Genealogical classification of the Tsezic languages and the controversial position of Hinukh (North Caucasus) |
abstract |
This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language, and some previously proposed formal classifications based on lexical data appear to confirm this. However, the new and advanced lexicostatistical classification used in this paper suggests that Hinukh and Tsez do not in fact form a distinct clade. We examine Hinukh and Tsez historical phonology as well as morphological and syntactic features, upon which the traditional expert classifications have rested, and find that all exclusive traits seemingly shared by Hinukh and Tsez are either illusory or due to contact-driven parallel development or may simply represent Proto-Tsezic retentions. In other words, there is no phonological and grammatical evidence for a hypothetical Tsez-Hinukh protolanguage. On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper. |
abstractGer |
This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language, and some previously proposed formal classifications based on lexical data appear to confirm this. However, the new and advanced lexicostatistical classification used in this paper suggests that Hinukh and Tsez do not in fact form a distinct clade. We examine Hinukh and Tsez historical phonology as well as morphological and syntactic features, upon which the traditional expert classifications have rested, and find that all exclusive traits seemingly shared by Hinukh and Tsez are either illusory or due to contact-driven parallel development or may simply represent Proto-Tsezic retentions. In other words, there is no phonological and grammatical evidence for a hypothetical Tsez-Hinukh protolanguage. On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper. |
abstract_unstemmed |
This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language, and some previously proposed formal classifications based on lexical data appear to confirm this. However, the new and advanced lexicostatistical classification used in this paper suggests that Hinukh and Tsez do not in fact form a distinct clade. We examine Hinukh and Tsez historical phonology as well as morphological and syntactic features, upon which the traditional expert classifications have rested, and find that all exclusive traits seemingly shared by Hinukh and Tsez are either illusory or due to contact-driven parallel development or may simply represent Proto-Tsezic retentions. In other words, there is no phonological and grammatical evidence for a hypothetical Tsez-Hinukh protolanguage. On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper. |
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Pitfalls of shared innovations: Genealogical classification of the Tsezic languages and the controversial position of Hinukh (North Caucasus) |
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On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="520" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">This paper deals with the genealogical structure of the Tsezic language group with a special focus on the position of the Hinukh language within the group, which has remained controversial in previous research. Most specialists have treated Hinukh as the closest relative of the Tsez (Dido) language, and some previously proposed formal classifications based on lexical data appear to confirm this. However, the new and advanced lexicostatistical classification used in this paper suggests that Hinukh and Tsez do not in fact form a distinct clade. We examine Hinukh and Tsez historical phonology as well as morphological and syntactic features, upon which the traditional expert classifications have rested, and find that all exclusive traits seemingly shared by Hinukh and Tsez are either illusory or due to contact-driven parallel development or may simply represent Proto-Tsezic retentions. In other words, there is no phonological and grammatical evidence for a hypothetical Tsez-Hinukh protolanguage. On the contrary, there are some exclusive grammatical features of the Tsez and Khwarshi languages that may be regarded as innovations of a Tsez-Khwarshi protolanguage, conforming with a distinct Tsez-Khwarshi node in the new lexicostatistical classification of Tsezic. Therefore the traditional criterion of shared innovations supports the validity of the modern version of the lexicostatistical method employed in this paper.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">East Caucasian languages</subfield><subfield code="2">Elsevier</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Tsezic languages</subfield><subfield code="2">Elsevier</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Lexicostatistics</subfield><subfield code="2">Elsevier</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Phylogeny reconstruction</subfield><subfield code="2">Elsevier</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Hinukh</subfield><subfield code="2">Elsevier</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Shared innovations</subfield><subfield code="2">Elsevier</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="700" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Testelets, Yakov G.</subfield><subfield code="4">oth</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="773" ind1="0" ind2="8"><subfield code="i">Enthalten in</subfield><subfield code="n">Elsevier</subfield><subfield code="a">Sahu, P.K. ELSEVIER</subfield><subfield code="t">Hybrid Legendre Block-Pulse functions for the numerical solutions of system of nonlinear Fredholm–Hammerstein integral equations</subfield><subfield code="d">2015transfer abstract</subfield><subfield code="d">international review of general linguistics</subfield><subfield code="g">New York, NY [u.a.]</subfield><subfield code="w">(DE-627)ELV018159184</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="773" ind1="1" ind2="8"><subfield code="g">volume:196</subfield><subfield code="g">year:2017</subfield><subfield code="g">pages:98-118</subfield><subfield code="g">extent:21</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="856" ind1="4" ind2="0"><subfield code="u">https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2017.06.011</subfield><subfield code="3">Volltext</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">GBV_USEFLAG_U</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">GBV_ELV</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">SYSFLAG_U</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">SSG-OLC-PHY</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">SSG-OPC-AST</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">GBV_ILN_40</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">GBV_ILN_62</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">GBV_ILN_2006</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">GBV_ILN_2020</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">GBV_ILN_2027</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="936" ind1="r" ind2="v"><subfield code="a">UA 1000</subfield><subfield code="b">Referateblätter und Zeitschriften</subfield><subfield code="k">Physik</subfield><subfield code="k">Referateblätter und Zeitschriften</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-625)rvk/145215:</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-576)329175343</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="936" ind1="b" ind2="k"><subfield code="a">33.40</subfield><subfield code="j">Kernphysik</subfield><subfield code="q">VZ</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="936" ind1="b" ind2="k"><subfield code="a">33.50</subfield><subfield code="j">Physik der Elementarteilchen und Felder: Allgemeines</subfield><subfield code="q">VZ</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="936" ind1="b" ind2="k"><subfield code="a">39.22</subfield><subfield code="j">Astrophysik</subfield><subfield code="q">VZ</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="951" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">AR</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="952" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="d">196</subfield><subfield code="j">2017</subfield><subfield code="h">98-118</subfield><subfield code="g">21</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="953" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="2">045F</subfield><subfield code="a">400</subfield></datafield></record></collection>
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