Pragmatic accommodation as a catalyst for the development of (non-)finiteness
A morphological asymmetry is shared by certain Dravidian (and Finnic) languages. The phonological shape of a negation element is dependent on the finiteness of the verb it negates. Pragmatic factors are identified that could motivate the development of this shared asymmetry, using evidence from the...
Ausführliche Beschreibung
Gespeichert in:
| Autor*in: |
Slomanson, Peter [verfasserIn] |
|---|
| Format: |
E-Artikel |
|---|
| Erschienen: |
De Gruyter ; 2016 |
|---|
| Schlagwörter: |
|---|
| Umfang: |
32 |
|---|
| Reproduktion: |
Walter de Gruyter Online Zeitschriften |
|---|---|
| Übergeordnetes Werk: |
Enthalten in: The linguistic review - Berlin [u.a.] : Mouton de Gruyter, 1981, 33(2016), 3 vom: 4. Okt., Seite 365-396 |
| Übergeordnetes Werk: |
volume:33 ; year:2016 ; number:3 ; day:4 ; month:10 ; pages:365-396 ; extent:32 |
| Links: |
|---|
| DOI / URN: |
10.1515/tlr-2016-0002 |
|---|
| Katalog-ID: |
NLEJ248189336 |
|---|
| LEADER | 01000caa a22002652 4500 | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| 001 | NLEJ248189336 | ||
| 003 | DE-627 | ||
| 005 | 20220820040614.0 | ||
| 007 | cr uuu---uuuuu | ||
| 008 | 220814s2016 xx |||||o 00| ||und c | ||
| 024 | 7 | |a 10.1515/tlr-2016-0002 |2 doi | |
| 028 | 5 | 2 | |a articles2015-2020.pp |
| 035 | |a (DE-627)NLEJ248189336 | ||
| 040 | |a DE-627 |b ger |c DE-627 |e rakwb | ||
| 100 | 1 | |a Slomanson, Peter |e verfasserin |4 aut | |
| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Pragmatic accommodation as a catalyst for the development of (non-)finiteness |
| 264 | 1 | |b De Gruyter |c 2016 | |
| 300 | |a 32 | ||
| 336 | |a Text |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
| 337 | |a Computermedien |b c |2 rdamedia | ||
| 338 | |a Online-Ressource |b cr |2 rdacarrier | ||
| 520 | |a A morphological asymmetry is shared by certain Dravidian (and Finnic) languages. The phonological shape of a negation element is dependent on the finiteness of the verb it negates. Pragmatic factors are identified that could motivate the development of this shared asymmetry, using evidence from the grammar of a Dravidian-influenced contact language. I will show that contrastive finiteness marking (finite and non-finite morphology) can facilitate the development of pragmatically-motivated linear reordering of affirmative clauses and negated clauses in order to accommodate new information structure conventions, extending the contrast to negated verbs by expanding the functional range of a negative imperative marker. Radical contact languages resulting from collective adult second language acquisition in naturalistic social contexts are typically presumed to feature reduced functional morphology, in which only highly salient contrasts, such as temporal contrasts, are formally instantiated. If a formal finiteness contrast and other relatively marked properties (“complexity”) could develop in a highly analytic contact language that did not previously have them, this suggests that such a sequence of changes is in fact as plausible among genetically-unrelated languages in a sprachbund as it is over longer periods of time in genetically-related languages. We can observe this by examining grammatical change in a language that previously lacked both a finiteness contrast and a corresponding negation asymmetry, but which developed both the contrast and the asymmetry as a result of contact with a genetically-unrelated language that has analogous properties. Sri Lankan Malay (SLM) has undergone grammatical change due to contact with Dravidian (primarily Sri Lankan Muslim Tamil). Several of these changes involve verb morphology and syntax, and are plausibly motivated by discourse-pragmatic triggers. Consideration of tense and (non-)finiteness phenomena, as well as their reflexes in SLM negation, suggests a discourse-pragmatic motivation for these changes. Two discourse processes could conspire to motivate the development of the new morphology in SLM. The first is a clausal asymmetry, in which the predicate representing the most recent event is ordinarily in focus, indicated by tense morphology and position of the clause relative to clauses referring to subsequent events. The second is the communicative need to reassign focus in certain contexts to a temporally non-primary clause, one referring to an event that did not take place first. In spite of a constraint in Dravidian languages blocking the marking of functional contrasts under negation (so that only a negation morpheme can be prefixed to the verb), negation morphology encodes an obligatory finiteness contrast, optimally supporting these information-structuring processes. The clause describing the most recent event in a sentence remains visibly finite under negation, when a temporally secondary clause is focused. | ||
| 533 | |f Walter de Gruyter Online Zeitschriften | ||
| 650 | 4 | |a pragmatics, information structure, contact languages, morphosyntax, bilingualism, language change, typology | |
| 773 | 0 | 8 | |i Enthalten in |t The linguistic review |d Berlin [u.a.] : Mouton de Gruyter, 1981 |g 33(2016), 3 vom: 4. Okt., Seite 365-396 |w (DE-627)NLEJ248236903 |w (DE-600)2033179-4 |x 1613-3676 |7 nnns |
| 773 | 1 | 8 | |g volume:33 |g year:2016 |g number:3 |g day:4 |g month:10 |g pages:365-396 |g extent:32 |
| 856 | 4 | 0 | |u https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2016-0002 |z Deutschlandweit zugänglich |
| 912 | |a GBV_USEFLAG_U | ||
| 912 | |a ZDB-1-DGR | ||
| 912 | |a GBV_NL_ARTICLE | ||
| 951 | |a AR | ||
| 952 | |d 33 |j 2016 |e 3 |b 4 |c 10 |h 365-396 |g 32 | ||
| author_variant |
p s ps |
|---|---|
| matchkey_str |
article:16133676:2016----::rgaiacmoainsctlsfrhdvlpe |
| hierarchy_sort_str |
2016 |
| publishDate |
2016 |
| allfields |
10.1515/tlr-2016-0002 doi articles2015-2020.pp (DE-627)NLEJ248189336 DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb Slomanson, Peter verfasserin aut Pragmatic accommodation as a catalyst for the development of (non-)finiteness De Gruyter 2016 32 Text txt rdacontent Computermedien c rdamedia Online-Ressource cr rdacarrier A morphological asymmetry is shared by certain Dravidian (and Finnic) languages. The phonological shape of a negation element is dependent on the finiteness of the verb it negates. Pragmatic factors are identified that could motivate the development of this shared asymmetry, using evidence from the grammar of a Dravidian-influenced contact language. I will show that contrastive finiteness marking (finite and non-finite morphology) can facilitate the development of pragmatically-motivated linear reordering of affirmative clauses and negated clauses in order to accommodate new information structure conventions, extending the contrast to negated verbs by expanding the functional range of a negative imperative marker. Radical contact languages resulting from collective adult second language acquisition in naturalistic social contexts are typically presumed to feature reduced functional morphology, in which only highly salient contrasts, such as temporal contrasts, are formally instantiated. If a formal finiteness contrast and other relatively marked properties (“complexity”) could develop in a highly analytic contact language that did not previously have them, this suggests that such a sequence of changes is in fact as plausible among genetically-unrelated languages in a sprachbund as it is over longer periods of time in genetically-related languages. We can observe this by examining grammatical change in a language that previously lacked both a finiteness contrast and a corresponding negation asymmetry, but which developed both the contrast and the asymmetry as a result of contact with a genetically-unrelated language that has analogous properties. Sri Lankan Malay (SLM) has undergone grammatical change due to contact with Dravidian (primarily Sri Lankan Muslim Tamil). Several of these changes involve verb morphology and syntax, and are plausibly motivated by discourse-pragmatic triggers. Consideration of tense and (non-)finiteness phenomena, as well as their reflexes in SLM negation, suggests a discourse-pragmatic motivation for these changes. Two discourse processes could conspire to motivate the development of the new morphology in SLM. The first is a clausal asymmetry, in which the predicate representing the most recent event is ordinarily in focus, indicated by tense morphology and position of the clause relative to clauses referring to subsequent events. The second is the communicative need to reassign focus in certain contexts to a temporally non-primary clause, one referring to an event that did not take place first. In spite of a constraint in Dravidian languages blocking the marking of functional contrasts under negation (so that only a negation morpheme can be prefixed to the verb), negation morphology encodes an obligatory finiteness contrast, optimally supporting these information-structuring processes. The clause describing the most recent event in a sentence remains visibly finite under negation, when a temporally secondary clause is focused. Walter de Gruyter Online Zeitschriften pragmatics, information structure, contact languages, morphosyntax, bilingualism, language change, typology Enthalten in The linguistic review Berlin [u.a.] : Mouton de Gruyter, 1981 33(2016), 3 vom: 4. Okt., Seite 365-396 (DE-627)NLEJ248236903 (DE-600)2033179-4 1613-3676 nnns volume:33 year:2016 number:3 day:4 month:10 pages:365-396 extent:32 https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2016-0002 Deutschlandweit zugänglich GBV_USEFLAG_U ZDB-1-DGR GBV_NL_ARTICLE AR 33 2016 3 4 10 365-396 32 |
| spelling |
10.1515/tlr-2016-0002 doi articles2015-2020.pp (DE-627)NLEJ248189336 DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb Slomanson, Peter verfasserin aut Pragmatic accommodation as a catalyst for the development of (non-)finiteness De Gruyter 2016 32 Text txt rdacontent Computermedien c rdamedia Online-Ressource cr rdacarrier A morphological asymmetry is shared by certain Dravidian (and Finnic) languages. The phonological shape of a negation element is dependent on the finiteness of the verb it negates. Pragmatic factors are identified that could motivate the development of this shared asymmetry, using evidence from the grammar of a Dravidian-influenced contact language. I will show that contrastive finiteness marking (finite and non-finite morphology) can facilitate the development of pragmatically-motivated linear reordering of affirmative clauses and negated clauses in order to accommodate new information structure conventions, extending the contrast to negated verbs by expanding the functional range of a negative imperative marker. Radical contact languages resulting from collective adult second language acquisition in naturalistic social contexts are typically presumed to feature reduced functional morphology, in which only highly salient contrasts, such as temporal contrasts, are formally instantiated. If a formal finiteness contrast and other relatively marked properties (“complexity”) could develop in a highly analytic contact language that did not previously have them, this suggests that such a sequence of changes is in fact as plausible among genetically-unrelated languages in a sprachbund as it is over longer periods of time in genetically-related languages. We can observe this by examining grammatical change in a language that previously lacked both a finiteness contrast and a corresponding negation asymmetry, but which developed both the contrast and the asymmetry as a result of contact with a genetically-unrelated language that has analogous properties. Sri Lankan Malay (SLM) has undergone grammatical change due to contact with Dravidian (primarily Sri Lankan Muslim Tamil). Several of these changes involve verb morphology and syntax, and are plausibly motivated by discourse-pragmatic triggers. Consideration of tense and (non-)finiteness phenomena, as well as their reflexes in SLM negation, suggests a discourse-pragmatic motivation for these changes. Two discourse processes could conspire to motivate the development of the new morphology in SLM. The first is a clausal asymmetry, in which the predicate representing the most recent event is ordinarily in focus, indicated by tense morphology and position of the clause relative to clauses referring to subsequent events. The second is the communicative need to reassign focus in certain contexts to a temporally non-primary clause, one referring to an event that did not take place first. In spite of a constraint in Dravidian languages blocking the marking of functional contrasts under negation (so that only a negation morpheme can be prefixed to the verb), negation morphology encodes an obligatory finiteness contrast, optimally supporting these information-structuring processes. The clause describing the most recent event in a sentence remains visibly finite under negation, when a temporally secondary clause is focused. Walter de Gruyter Online Zeitschriften pragmatics, information structure, contact languages, morphosyntax, bilingualism, language change, typology Enthalten in The linguistic review Berlin [u.a.] : Mouton de Gruyter, 1981 33(2016), 3 vom: 4. Okt., Seite 365-396 (DE-627)NLEJ248236903 (DE-600)2033179-4 1613-3676 nnns volume:33 year:2016 number:3 day:4 month:10 pages:365-396 extent:32 https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2016-0002 Deutschlandweit zugänglich GBV_USEFLAG_U ZDB-1-DGR GBV_NL_ARTICLE AR 33 2016 3 4 10 365-396 32 |
| allfields_unstemmed |
10.1515/tlr-2016-0002 doi articles2015-2020.pp (DE-627)NLEJ248189336 DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb Slomanson, Peter verfasserin aut Pragmatic accommodation as a catalyst for the development of (non-)finiteness De Gruyter 2016 32 Text txt rdacontent Computermedien c rdamedia Online-Ressource cr rdacarrier A morphological asymmetry is shared by certain Dravidian (and Finnic) languages. The phonological shape of a negation element is dependent on the finiteness of the verb it negates. Pragmatic factors are identified that could motivate the development of this shared asymmetry, using evidence from the grammar of a Dravidian-influenced contact language. I will show that contrastive finiteness marking (finite and non-finite morphology) can facilitate the development of pragmatically-motivated linear reordering of affirmative clauses and negated clauses in order to accommodate new information structure conventions, extending the contrast to negated verbs by expanding the functional range of a negative imperative marker. Radical contact languages resulting from collective adult second language acquisition in naturalistic social contexts are typically presumed to feature reduced functional morphology, in which only highly salient contrasts, such as temporal contrasts, are formally instantiated. If a formal finiteness contrast and other relatively marked properties (“complexity”) could develop in a highly analytic contact language that did not previously have them, this suggests that such a sequence of changes is in fact as plausible among genetically-unrelated languages in a sprachbund as it is over longer periods of time in genetically-related languages. We can observe this by examining grammatical change in a language that previously lacked both a finiteness contrast and a corresponding negation asymmetry, but which developed both the contrast and the asymmetry as a result of contact with a genetically-unrelated language that has analogous properties. Sri Lankan Malay (SLM) has undergone grammatical change due to contact with Dravidian (primarily Sri Lankan Muslim Tamil). Several of these changes involve verb morphology and syntax, and are plausibly motivated by discourse-pragmatic triggers. Consideration of tense and (non-)finiteness phenomena, as well as their reflexes in SLM negation, suggests a discourse-pragmatic motivation for these changes. Two discourse processes could conspire to motivate the development of the new morphology in SLM. The first is a clausal asymmetry, in which the predicate representing the most recent event is ordinarily in focus, indicated by tense morphology and position of the clause relative to clauses referring to subsequent events. The second is the communicative need to reassign focus in certain contexts to a temporally non-primary clause, one referring to an event that did not take place first. In spite of a constraint in Dravidian languages blocking the marking of functional contrasts under negation (so that only a negation morpheme can be prefixed to the verb), negation morphology encodes an obligatory finiteness contrast, optimally supporting these information-structuring processes. The clause describing the most recent event in a sentence remains visibly finite under negation, when a temporally secondary clause is focused. Walter de Gruyter Online Zeitschriften pragmatics, information structure, contact languages, morphosyntax, bilingualism, language change, typology Enthalten in The linguistic review Berlin [u.a.] : Mouton de Gruyter, 1981 33(2016), 3 vom: 4. Okt., Seite 365-396 (DE-627)NLEJ248236903 (DE-600)2033179-4 1613-3676 nnns volume:33 year:2016 number:3 day:4 month:10 pages:365-396 extent:32 https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2016-0002 Deutschlandweit zugänglich GBV_USEFLAG_U ZDB-1-DGR GBV_NL_ARTICLE AR 33 2016 3 4 10 365-396 32 |
| allfieldsGer |
10.1515/tlr-2016-0002 doi articles2015-2020.pp (DE-627)NLEJ248189336 DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb Slomanson, Peter verfasserin aut Pragmatic accommodation as a catalyst for the development of (non-)finiteness De Gruyter 2016 32 Text txt rdacontent Computermedien c rdamedia Online-Ressource cr rdacarrier A morphological asymmetry is shared by certain Dravidian (and Finnic) languages. The phonological shape of a negation element is dependent on the finiteness of the verb it negates. Pragmatic factors are identified that could motivate the development of this shared asymmetry, using evidence from the grammar of a Dravidian-influenced contact language. I will show that contrastive finiteness marking (finite and non-finite morphology) can facilitate the development of pragmatically-motivated linear reordering of affirmative clauses and negated clauses in order to accommodate new information structure conventions, extending the contrast to negated verbs by expanding the functional range of a negative imperative marker. Radical contact languages resulting from collective adult second language acquisition in naturalistic social contexts are typically presumed to feature reduced functional morphology, in which only highly salient contrasts, such as temporal contrasts, are formally instantiated. If a formal finiteness contrast and other relatively marked properties (“complexity”) could develop in a highly analytic contact language that did not previously have them, this suggests that such a sequence of changes is in fact as plausible among genetically-unrelated languages in a sprachbund as it is over longer periods of time in genetically-related languages. We can observe this by examining grammatical change in a language that previously lacked both a finiteness contrast and a corresponding negation asymmetry, but which developed both the contrast and the asymmetry as a result of contact with a genetically-unrelated language that has analogous properties. Sri Lankan Malay (SLM) has undergone grammatical change due to contact with Dravidian (primarily Sri Lankan Muslim Tamil). Several of these changes involve verb morphology and syntax, and are plausibly motivated by discourse-pragmatic triggers. Consideration of tense and (non-)finiteness phenomena, as well as their reflexes in SLM negation, suggests a discourse-pragmatic motivation for these changes. Two discourse processes could conspire to motivate the development of the new morphology in SLM. The first is a clausal asymmetry, in which the predicate representing the most recent event is ordinarily in focus, indicated by tense morphology and position of the clause relative to clauses referring to subsequent events. The second is the communicative need to reassign focus in certain contexts to a temporally non-primary clause, one referring to an event that did not take place first. In spite of a constraint in Dravidian languages blocking the marking of functional contrasts under negation (so that only a negation morpheme can be prefixed to the verb), negation morphology encodes an obligatory finiteness contrast, optimally supporting these information-structuring processes. The clause describing the most recent event in a sentence remains visibly finite under negation, when a temporally secondary clause is focused. Walter de Gruyter Online Zeitschriften pragmatics, information structure, contact languages, morphosyntax, bilingualism, language change, typology Enthalten in The linguistic review Berlin [u.a.] : Mouton de Gruyter, 1981 33(2016), 3 vom: 4. Okt., Seite 365-396 (DE-627)NLEJ248236903 (DE-600)2033179-4 1613-3676 nnns volume:33 year:2016 number:3 day:4 month:10 pages:365-396 extent:32 https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2016-0002 Deutschlandweit zugänglich GBV_USEFLAG_U ZDB-1-DGR GBV_NL_ARTICLE AR 33 2016 3 4 10 365-396 32 |
| allfieldsSound |
10.1515/tlr-2016-0002 doi articles2015-2020.pp (DE-627)NLEJ248189336 DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb Slomanson, Peter verfasserin aut Pragmatic accommodation as a catalyst for the development of (non-)finiteness De Gruyter 2016 32 Text txt rdacontent Computermedien c rdamedia Online-Ressource cr rdacarrier A morphological asymmetry is shared by certain Dravidian (and Finnic) languages. The phonological shape of a negation element is dependent on the finiteness of the verb it negates. Pragmatic factors are identified that could motivate the development of this shared asymmetry, using evidence from the grammar of a Dravidian-influenced contact language. I will show that contrastive finiteness marking (finite and non-finite morphology) can facilitate the development of pragmatically-motivated linear reordering of affirmative clauses and negated clauses in order to accommodate new information structure conventions, extending the contrast to negated verbs by expanding the functional range of a negative imperative marker. Radical contact languages resulting from collective adult second language acquisition in naturalistic social contexts are typically presumed to feature reduced functional morphology, in which only highly salient contrasts, such as temporal contrasts, are formally instantiated. If a formal finiteness contrast and other relatively marked properties (“complexity”) could develop in a highly analytic contact language that did not previously have them, this suggests that such a sequence of changes is in fact as plausible among genetically-unrelated languages in a sprachbund as it is over longer periods of time in genetically-related languages. We can observe this by examining grammatical change in a language that previously lacked both a finiteness contrast and a corresponding negation asymmetry, but which developed both the contrast and the asymmetry as a result of contact with a genetically-unrelated language that has analogous properties. Sri Lankan Malay (SLM) has undergone grammatical change due to contact with Dravidian (primarily Sri Lankan Muslim Tamil). Several of these changes involve verb morphology and syntax, and are plausibly motivated by discourse-pragmatic triggers. Consideration of tense and (non-)finiteness phenomena, as well as their reflexes in SLM negation, suggests a discourse-pragmatic motivation for these changes. Two discourse processes could conspire to motivate the development of the new morphology in SLM. The first is a clausal asymmetry, in which the predicate representing the most recent event is ordinarily in focus, indicated by tense morphology and position of the clause relative to clauses referring to subsequent events. The second is the communicative need to reassign focus in certain contexts to a temporally non-primary clause, one referring to an event that did not take place first. In spite of a constraint in Dravidian languages blocking the marking of functional contrasts under negation (so that only a negation morpheme can be prefixed to the verb), negation morphology encodes an obligatory finiteness contrast, optimally supporting these information-structuring processes. The clause describing the most recent event in a sentence remains visibly finite under negation, when a temporally secondary clause is focused. Walter de Gruyter Online Zeitschriften pragmatics, information structure, contact languages, morphosyntax, bilingualism, language change, typology Enthalten in The linguistic review Berlin [u.a.] : Mouton de Gruyter, 1981 33(2016), 3 vom: 4. Okt., Seite 365-396 (DE-627)NLEJ248236903 (DE-600)2033179-4 1613-3676 nnns volume:33 year:2016 number:3 day:4 month:10 pages:365-396 extent:32 https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2016-0002 Deutschlandweit zugänglich GBV_USEFLAG_U ZDB-1-DGR GBV_NL_ARTICLE AR 33 2016 3 4 10 365-396 32 |
| source |
Enthalten in The linguistic review 33(2016), 3 vom: 4. Okt., Seite 365-396 volume:33 year:2016 number:3 day:4 month:10 pages:365-396 extent:32 |
| sourceStr |
Enthalten in The linguistic review 33(2016), 3 vom: 4. Okt., Seite 365-396 volume:33 year:2016 number:3 day:4 month:10 pages:365-396 extent:32 |
| format_phy_str_mv |
Article |
| institution |
findex.gbv.de |
| topic_facet |
pragmatics, information structure, contact languages, morphosyntax, bilingualism, language change, typology |
| isfreeaccess_bool |
false |
| container_title |
The linguistic review |
| authorswithroles_txt_mv |
Slomanson, Peter @@aut@@ |
| publishDateDaySort_date |
2016-10-04T00:00:00Z |
| hierarchy_top_id |
NLEJ248236903 |
| id |
NLEJ248189336 |
| fullrecord |
<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><collection xmlns="http://www.loc.gov/MARC21/slim"><record><leader>01000caa a22002652 4500</leader><controlfield tag="001">NLEJ248189336</controlfield><controlfield tag="003">DE-627</controlfield><controlfield tag="005">20220820040614.0</controlfield><controlfield tag="007">cr uuu---uuuuu</controlfield><controlfield tag="008">220814s2016 xx |||||o 00| ||und c</controlfield><datafield tag="024" ind1="7" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">10.1515/tlr-2016-0002</subfield><subfield code="2">doi</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="028" ind1="5" ind2="2"><subfield code="a">articles2015-2020.pp</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="035" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">(DE-627)NLEJ248189336</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="040" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">DE-627</subfield><subfield code="b">ger</subfield><subfield code="c">DE-627</subfield><subfield code="e">rakwb</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="100" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Slomanson, Peter</subfield><subfield code="e">verfasserin</subfield><subfield code="4">aut</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="245" ind1="1" ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Pragmatic accommodation as a catalyst for the development of (non-)finiteness</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="264" ind1=" " ind2="1"><subfield code="b">De Gruyter</subfield><subfield code="c">2016</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="300" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">32</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="336" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Text</subfield><subfield code="b">txt</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacontent</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="337" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Computermedien</subfield><subfield code="b">c</subfield><subfield code="2">rdamedia</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="338" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Online-Ressource</subfield><subfield code="b">cr</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacarrier</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="520" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">A morphological asymmetry is shared by certain Dravidian (and Finnic) languages. The phonological shape of a negation element is dependent on the finiteness of the verb it negates. Pragmatic factors are identified that could motivate the development of this shared asymmetry, using evidence from the grammar of a Dravidian-influenced contact language. I will show that contrastive finiteness marking (finite and non-finite morphology) can facilitate the development of pragmatically-motivated linear reordering of affirmative clauses and negated clauses in order to accommodate new information structure conventions, extending the contrast to negated verbs by expanding the functional range of a negative imperative marker. Radical contact languages resulting from collective adult second language acquisition in naturalistic social contexts are typically presumed to feature reduced functional morphology, in which only highly salient contrasts, such as temporal contrasts, are formally instantiated. If a formal finiteness contrast and other relatively marked properties (“complexity”) could develop in a highly analytic contact language that did not previously have them, this suggests that such a sequence of changes is in fact as plausible among genetically-unrelated languages in a sprachbund as it is over longer periods of time in genetically-related languages. We can observe this by examining grammatical change in a language that previously lacked both a finiteness contrast and a corresponding negation asymmetry, but which developed both the contrast and the asymmetry as a result of contact with a genetically-unrelated language that has analogous properties. Sri Lankan Malay (SLM) has undergone grammatical change due to contact with Dravidian (primarily Sri Lankan Muslim Tamil). Several of these changes involve verb morphology and syntax, and are plausibly motivated by discourse-pragmatic triggers. Consideration of tense and (non-)finiteness phenomena, as well as their reflexes in SLM negation, suggests a discourse-pragmatic motivation for these changes. Two discourse processes could conspire to motivate the development of the new morphology in SLM. The first is a clausal asymmetry, in which the predicate representing the most recent event is ordinarily in focus, indicated by tense morphology and position of the clause relative to clauses referring to subsequent events. The second is the communicative need to reassign focus in certain contexts to a temporally non-primary clause, one referring to an event that did not take place first. In spite of a constraint in Dravidian languages blocking the marking of functional contrasts under negation (so that only a negation morpheme can be prefixed to the verb), negation morphology encodes an obligatory finiteness contrast, optimally supporting these information-structuring processes. The clause describing the most recent event in a sentence remains visibly finite under negation, when a temporally secondary clause is focused.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="533" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="f">Walter de Gruyter Online Zeitschriften</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="4"><subfield code="a">pragmatics, information structure, contact languages, morphosyntax, bilingualism, language change, typology</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="773" ind1="0" ind2="8"><subfield code="i">Enthalten in</subfield><subfield code="t">The linguistic review</subfield><subfield code="d">Berlin [u.a.] : Mouton de Gruyter, 1981</subfield><subfield code="g">33(2016), 3 vom: 4. Okt., Seite 365-396</subfield><subfield code="w">(DE-627)NLEJ248236903</subfield><subfield code="w">(DE-600)2033179-4</subfield><subfield code="x">1613-3676</subfield><subfield code="7">nnns</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="773" ind1="1" ind2="8"><subfield code="g">volume:33</subfield><subfield code="g">year:2016</subfield><subfield code="g">number:3</subfield><subfield code="g">day:4</subfield><subfield code="g">month:10</subfield><subfield code="g">pages:365-396</subfield><subfield code="g">extent:32</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="856" ind1="4" ind2="0"><subfield code="u">https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2016-0002</subfield><subfield code="z">Deutschlandweit zugänglich</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">GBV_USEFLAG_U</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">ZDB-1-DGR</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">GBV_NL_ARTICLE</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="951" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">AR</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="952" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="d">33</subfield><subfield code="j">2016</subfield><subfield code="e">3</subfield><subfield code="b">4</subfield><subfield code="c">10</subfield><subfield code="h">365-396</subfield><subfield code="g">32</subfield></datafield></record></collection>
|
| series2 |
Walter de Gruyter Online Zeitschriften |
| author |
Slomanson, Peter |
| spellingShingle |
Slomanson, Peter misc pragmatics, information structure, contact languages, morphosyntax, bilingualism, language change, typology Pragmatic accommodation as a catalyst for the development of (non-)finiteness |
| authorStr |
Slomanson, Peter |
| ppnlink_with_tag_str_mv |
@@773@@(DE-627)NLEJ248236903 |
| format |
electronic Article |
| delete_txt_mv |
keep |
| author_role |
aut |
| collection |
NL |
| remote_str |
true |
| illustrated |
Not Illustrated |
| issn |
1613-3676 |
| topic_title |
Pragmatic accommodation as a catalyst for the development of (non-)finiteness pragmatics, information structure, contact languages, morphosyntax, bilingualism, language change, typology |
| publisher |
De Gruyter |
| publisherStr |
De Gruyter |
| topic |
misc pragmatics, information structure, contact languages, morphosyntax, bilingualism, language change, typology |
| topic_unstemmed |
misc pragmatics, information structure, contact languages, morphosyntax, bilingualism, language change, typology |
| topic_browse |
misc pragmatics, information structure, contact languages, morphosyntax, bilingualism, language change, typology |
| format_facet |
Elektronische Aufsätze Aufsätze Elektronische Ressource |
| format_main_str_mv |
Text Zeitschrift/Artikel |
| carriertype_str_mv |
cr |
| hierarchy_parent_title |
The linguistic review |
| hierarchy_parent_id |
NLEJ248236903 |
| hierarchy_top_title |
The linguistic review |
| isfreeaccess_txt |
false |
| familylinks_str_mv |
(DE-627)NLEJ248236903 (DE-600)2033179-4 |
| title |
Pragmatic accommodation as a catalyst for the development of (non-)finiteness |
| ctrlnum |
(DE-627)NLEJ248189336 |
| title_full |
Pragmatic accommodation as a catalyst for the development of (non-)finiteness |
| author_sort |
Slomanson, Peter |
| journal |
The linguistic review |
| journalStr |
The linguistic review |
| isOA_bool |
false |
| recordtype |
marc |
| publishDateSort |
2016 |
| contenttype_str_mv |
txt |
| container_start_page |
365 |
| author_browse |
Slomanson, Peter |
| container_volume |
33 |
| physical |
32 |
| format_se |
Elektronische Aufsätze |
| author-letter |
Slomanson, Peter |
| doi_str_mv |
10.1515/tlr-2016-0002 |
| title_sort |
pragmatic accommodation as a catalyst for the development of (non-)finiteness |
| title_auth |
Pragmatic accommodation as a catalyst for the development of (non-)finiteness |
| abstract |
A morphological asymmetry is shared by certain Dravidian (and Finnic) languages. The phonological shape of a negation element is dependent on the finiteness of the verb it negates. Pragmatic factors are identified that could motivate the development of this shared asymmetry, using evidence from the grammar of a Dravidian-influenced contact language. I will show that contrastive finiteness marking (finite and non-finite morphology) can facilitate the development of pragmatically-motivated linear reordering of affirmative clauses and negated clauses in order to accommodate new information structure conventions, extending the contrast to negated verbs by expanding the functional range of a negative imperative marker. Radical contact languages resulting from collective adult second language acquisition in naturalistic social contexts are typically presumed to feature reduced functional morphology, in which only highly salient contrasts, such as temporal contrasts, are formally instantiated. If a formal finiteness contrast and other relatively marked properties (“complexity”) could develop in a highly analytic contact language that did not previously have them, this suggests that such a sequence of changes is in fact as plausible among genetically-unrelated languages in a sprachbund as it is over longer periods of time in genetically-related languages. We can observe this by examining grammatical change in a language that previously lacked both a finiteness contrast and a corresponding negation asymmetry, but which developed both the contrast and the asymmetry as a result of contact with a genetically-unrelated language that has analogous properties. Sri Lankan Malay (SLM) has undergone grammatical change due to contact with Dravidian (primarily Sri Lankan Muslim Tamil). Several of these changes involve verb morphology and syntax, and are plausibly motivated by discourse-pragmatic triggers. Consideration of tense and (non-)finiteness phenomena, as well as their reflexes in SLM negation, suggests a discourse-pragmatic motivation for these changes. Two discourse processes could conspire to motivate the development of the new morphology in SLM. The first is a clausal asymmetry, in which the predicate representing the most recent event is ordinarily in focus, indicated by tense morphology and position of the clause relative to clauses referring to subsequent events. The second is the communicative need to reassign focus in certain contexts to a temporally non-primary clause, one referring to an event that did not take place first. In spite of a constraint in Dravidian languages blocking the marking of functional contrasts under negation (so that only a negation morpheme can be prefixed to the verb), negation morphology encodes an obligatory finiteness contrast, optimally supporting these information-structuring processes. The clause describing the most recent event in a sentence remains visibly finite under negation, when a temporally secondary clause is focused. |
| abstractGer |
A morphological asymmetry is shared by certain Dravidian (and Finnic) languages. The phonological shape of a negation element is dependent on the finiteness of the verb it negates. Pragmatic factors are identified that could motivate the development of this shared asymmetry, using evidence from the grammar of a Dravidian-influenced contact language. I will show that contrastive finiteness marking (finite and non-finite morphology) can facilitate the development of pragmatically-motivated linear reordering of affirmative clauses and negated clauses in order to accommodate new information structure conventions, extending the contrast to negated verbs by expanding the functional range of a negative imperative marker. Radical contact languages resulting from collective adult second language acquisition in naturalistic social contexts are typically presumed to feature reduced functional morphology, in which only highly salient contrasts, such as temporal contrasts, are formally instantiated. If a formal finiteness contrast and other relatively marked properties (“complexity”) could develop in a highly analytic contact language that did not previously have them, this suggests that such a sequence of changes is in fact as plausible among genetically-unrelated languages in a sprachbund as it is over longer periods of time in genetically-related languages. We can observe this by examining grammatical change in a language that previously lacked both a finiteness contrast and a corresponding negation asymmetry, but which developed both the contrast and the asymmetry as a result of contact with a genetically-unrelated language that has analogous properties. Sri Lankan Malay (SLM) has undergone grammatical change due to contact with Dravidian (primarily Sri Lankan Muslim Tamil). Several of these changes involve verb morphology and syntax, and are plausibly motivated by discourse-pragmatic triggers. Consideration of tense and (non-)finiteness phenomena, as well as their reflexes in SLM negation, suggests a discourse-pragmatic motivation for these changes. Two discourse processes could conspire to motivate the development of the new morphology in SLM. The first is a clausal asymmetry, in which the predicate representing the most recent event is ordinarily in focus, indicated by tense morphology and position of the clause relative to clauses referring to subsequent events. The second is the communicative need to reassign focus in certain contexts to a temporally non-primary clause, one referring to an event that did not take place first. In spite of a constraint in Dravidian languages blocking the marking of functional contrasts under negation (so that only a negation morpheme can be prefixed to the verb), negation morphology encodes an obligatory finiteness contrast, optimally supporting these information-structuring processes. The clause describing the most recent event in a sentence remains visibly finite under negation, when a temporally secondary clause is focused. |
| abstract_unstemmed |
A morphological asymmetry is shared by certain Dravidian (and Finnic) languages. The phonological shape of a negation element is dependent on the finiteness of the verb it negates. Pragmatic factors are identified that could motivate the development of this shared asymmetry, using evidence from the grammar of a Dravidian-influenced contact language. I will show that contrastive finiteness marking (finite and non-finite morphology) can facilitate the development of pragmatically-motivated linear reordering of affirmative clauses and negated clauses in order to accommodate new information structure conventions, extending the contrast to negated verbs by expanding the functional range of a negative imperative marker. Radical contact languages resulting from collective adult second language acquisition in naturalistic social contexts are typically presumed to feature reduced functional morphology, in which only highly salient contrasts, such as temporal contrasts, are formally instantiated. If a formal finiteness contrast and other relatively marked properties (“complexity”) could develop in a highly analytic contact language that did not previously have them, this suggests that such a sequence of changes is in fact as plausible among genetically-unrelated languages in a sprachbund as it is over longer periods of time in genetically-related languages. We can observe this by examining grammatical change in a language that previously lacked both a finiteness contrast and a corresponding negation asymmetry, but which developed both the contrast and the asymmetry as a result of contact with a genetically-unrelated language that has analogous properties. Sri Lankan Malay (SLM) has undergone grammatical change due to contact with Dravidian (primarily Sri Lankan Muslim Tamil). Several of these changes involve verb morphology and syntax, and are plausibly motivated by discourse-pragmatic triggers. Consideration of tense and (non-)finiteness phenomena, as well as their reflexes in SLM negation, suggests a discourse-pragmatic motivation for these changes. Two discourse processes could conspire to motivate the development of the new morphology in SLM. The first is a clausal asymmetry, in which the predicate representing the most recent event is ordinarily in focus, indicated by tense morphology and position of the clause relative to clauses referring to subsequent events. The second is the communicative need to reassign focus in certain contexts to a temporally non-primary clause, one referring to an event that did not take place first. In spite of a constraint in Dravidian languages blocking the marking of functional contrasts under negation (so that only a negation morpheme can be prefixed to the verb), negation morphology encodes an obligatory finiteness contrast, optimally supporting these information-structuring processes. The clause describing the most recent event in a sentence remains visibly finite under negation, when a temporally secondary clause is focused. |
| collection_details |
GBV_USEFLAG_U ZDB-1-DGR GBV_NL_ARTICLE |
| container_issue |
3 |
| title_short |
Pragmatic accommodation as a catalyst for the development of (non-)finiteness |
| url |
https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2016-0002 |
| remote_bool |
true |
| ppnlink |
NLEJ248236903 |
| mediatype_str_mv |
c |
| isOA_txt |
false |
| hochschulschrift_bool |
false |
| doi_str |
10.1515/tlr-2016-0002 |
| up_date |
2024-07-05T22:53:23.189Z |
| _version_ |
1803781410063908864 |
| fullrecord_marcxml |
<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><collection xmlns="http://www.loc.gov/MARC21/slim"><record><leader>01000caa a22002652 4500</leader><controlfield tag="001">NLEJ248189336</controlfield><controlfield tag="003">DE-627</controlfield><controlfield tag="005">20220820040614.0</controlfield><controlfield tag="007">cr uuu---uuuuu</controlfield><controlfield tag="008">220814s2016 xx |||||o 00| ||und c</controlfield><datafield tag="024" ind1="7" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">10.1515/tlr-2016-0002</subfield><subfield code="2">doi</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="028" ind1="5" ind2="2"><subfield code="a">articles2015-2020.pp</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="035" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">(DE-627)NLEJ248189336</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="040" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">DE-627</subfield><subfield code="b">ger</subfield><subfield code="c">DE-627</subfield><subfield code="e">rakwb</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="100" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Slomanson, Peter</subfield><subfield code="e">verfasserin</subfield><subfield code="4">aut</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="245" ind1="1" ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Pragmatic accommodation as a catalyst for the development of (non-)finiteness</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="264" ind1=" " ind2="1"><subfield code="b">De Gruyter</subfield><subfield code="c">2016</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="300" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">32</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="336" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Text</subfield><subfield code="b">txt</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacontent</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="337" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Computermedien</subfield><subfield code="b">c</subfield><subfield code="2">rdamedia</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="338" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Online-Ressource</subfield><subfield code="b">cr</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacarrier</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="520" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">A morphological asymmetry is shared by certain Dravidian (and Finnic) languages. The phonological shape of a negation element is dependent on the finiteness of the verb it negates. Pragmatic factors are identified that could motivate the development of this shared asymmetry, using evidence from the grammar of a Dravidian-influenced contact language. I will show that contrastive finiteness marking (finite and non-finite morphology) can facilitate the development of pragmatically-motivated linear reordering of affirmative clauses and negated clauses in order to accommodate new information structure conventions, extending the contrast to negated verbs by expanding the functional range of a negative imperative marker. Radical contact languages resulting from collective adult second language acquisition in naturalistic social contexts are typically presumed to feature reduced functional morphology, in which only highly salient contrasts, such as temporal contrasts, are formally instantiated. If a formal finiteness contrast and other relatively marked properties (“complexity”) could develop in a highly analytic contact language that did not previously have them, this suggests that such a sequence of changes is in fact as plausible among genetically-unrelated languages in a sprachbund as it is over longer periods of time in genetically-related languages. We can observe this by examining grammatical change in a language that previously lacked both a finiteness contrast and a corresponding negation asymmetry, but which developed both the contrast and the asymmetry as a result of contact with a genetically-unrelated language that has analogous properties. Sri Lankan Malay (SLM) has undergone grammatical change due to contact with Dravidian (primarily Sri Lankan Muslim Tamil). Several of these changes involve verb morphology and syntax, and are plausibly motivated by discourse-pragmatic triggers. Consideration of tense and (non-)finiteness phenomena, as well as their reflexes in SLM negation, suggests a discourse-pragmatic motivation for these changes. Two discourse processes could conspire to motivate the development of the new morphology in SLM. The first is a clausal asymmetry, in which the predicate representing the most recent event is ordinarily in focus, indicated by tense morphology and position of the clause relative to clauses referring to subsequent events. The second is the communicative need to reassign focus in certain contexts to a temporally non-primary clause, one referring to an event that did not take place first. In spite of a constraint in Dravidian languages blocking the marking of functional contrasts under negation (so that only a negation morpheme can be prefixed to the verb), negation morphology encodes an obligatory finiteness contrast, optimally supporting these information-structuring processes. The clause describing the most recent event in a sentence remains visibly finite under negation, when a temporally secondary clause is focused.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="533" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="f">Walter de Gruyter Online Zeitschriften</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="4"><subfield code="a">pragmatics, information structure, contact languages, morphosyntax, bilingualism, language change, typology</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="773" ind1="0" ind2="8"><subfield code="i">Enthalten in</subfield><subfield code="t">The linguistic review</subfield><subfield code="d">Berlin [u.a.] : Mouton de Gruyter, 1981</subfield><subfield code="g">33(2016), 3 vom: 4. Okt., Seite 365-396</subfield><subfield code="w">(DE-627)NLEJ248236903</subfield><subfield code="w">(DE-600)2033179-4</subfield><subfield code="x">1613-3676</subfield><subfield code="7">nnns</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="773" ind1="1" ind2="8"><subfield code="g">volume:33</subfield><subfield code="g">year:2016</subfield><subfield code="g">number:3</subfield><subfield code="g">day:4</subfield><subfield code="g">month:10</subfield><subfield code="g">pages:365-396</subfield><subfield code="g">extent:32</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="856" ind1="4" ind2="0"><subfield code="u">https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2016-0002</subfield><subfield code="z">Deutschlandweit zugänglich</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">GBV_USEFLAG_U</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">ZDB-1-DGR</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">GBV_NL_ARTICLE</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="951" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">AR</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="952" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="d">33</subfield><subfield code="j">2016</subfield><subfield code="e">3</subfield><subfield code="b">4</subfield><subfield code="c">10</subfield><subfield code="h">365-396</subfield><subfield code="g">32</subfield></datafield></record></collection>
|
| score |
7.399967 |