Sounds like Iran: On popular music of Iran
The pace and scope of change in the Islamic Republic of Iran in recent years have been remarkable. These transformations are readily observable to those who have traveled to Iran frequently. Yet the views on Iran, judging from journalistic and some academic writings in English, do not adequately eng...
Ausführliche Beschreibung
Gespeichert in:
| Autor*in: |
Semati, Mehdi [verfasserIn] |
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| Format: |
Artikel |
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| Sprache: |
Englisch |
| Erschienen: |
2017 |
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| Rechteinformationen: |
Nutzungsrecht: © 2017 Taylor & Francis 2017 |
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| Schlagwörter: |
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| Übergeordnetes Werk: |
Enthalten in: Popular communication: the international journal of media and culture - Philadelphia : Taylor & Francis Group, 2003, 15(2017), 3, Seite 155 |
|---|---|
| Übergeordnetes Werk: |
volume:15 ; year:2017 ; number:3 ; pages:155 |
| Links: |
|---|
| DOI / URN: |
10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609 |
|---|
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OLC1996450735 |
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| 520 | |a The pace and scope of change in the Islamic Republic of Iran in recent years have been remarkable. These transformations are readily observable to those who have traveled to Iran frequently. Yet the views on Iran, judging from journalistic and some academic writings in English, do not adequately engage these transformations. The Western press coverage of the Iranian presidential election in May of 2017 revealed some of these views in the form of certain clichés and familiar tropes. We were told, for example, elections are inconsequential and that the final authority rests with the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei. However, the presidential candidate favored by the Supreme Leader lost the election roundly. We are often told that the public broadcasting services in Iran are “state-run,” as if public media should be less significant in the life of the nation. And yet, the content of the broadcasting outlets is discursively positioned in complex ways by various constituencies and audiences. We are told that the privately-owned press faces censorship. Besides stating the obvious, such a statement does not tell us much about news production, especially about the ways in which journalists negotiate restrictions and bypass them in subtle and complex ways. We are always reminded that free speech is severely compromised by a repressive regime, even though Iranians have access to all kinds of uncensored content (e.g., online media, satellite television from abroad) and, as with other populations, access desired media by bypassing censorship mechanisms. How else could we explain a sophisticated electorate that not only participated in the recent elections in massive numbers (73% of eligible voters) but also resoundingly rejected populism (something that voters in England and the United States could not claim in their recent elections)? To make matters worse, the vocabulary used to discuss Iran rarely escapes the familiar worn-out binaries: reformists vs. hardliners; moderns vs. conservatives (i.e., modernity vs. tradition); urban vs. rural; and the list goes on.11 This is not to suggest these labels are entirely meaningless. The point is that their binarism and their deployment as expression of conflict between elites without addressing specific (media and cultural) policies prevent them from having any explanatory power.View all notes The subject of such discourses sounds like Iran, and it sounds stereotypically familiar, but it is not the Iran that one discovers upon visiting. | ||
| 540 | |a Nutzungsrecht: © 2017 Taylor & Francis 2017 | ||
| 650 | 4 | |a Cultural policy | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Social change | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Popular music | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Music | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Cultural change | |
| 650 | 4 | |a News coverage | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Political change | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Popular culture | |
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10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609 doi PQ20171228 (DE-627)OLC1996450735 (DE-599)GBVOLC1996450735 (PRQ)i1137-76e835cd3c76293798122356f973354d5c49faed1ecd066c3b6c462218656ee00 (KEY)0524528120170000015000300155soundslikeiranonpopularmusicofiran DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng 070 ZDB Semati, Mehdi verfasserin aut Sounds like Iran: On popular music of Iran 2017 Text txt rdacontent ohne Hilfsmittel zu benutzen n rdamedia Band nc rdacarrier The pace and scope of change in the Islamic Republic of Iran in recent years have been remarkable. These transformations are readily observable to those who have traveled to Iran frequently. Yet the views on Iran, judging from journalistic and some academic writings in English, do not adequately engage these transformations. The Western press coverage of the Iranian presidential election in May of 2017 revealed some of these views in the form of certain clichés and familiar tropes. We were told, for example, elections are inconsequential and that the final authority rests with the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei. However, the presidential candidate favored by the Supreme Leader lost the election roundly. We are often told that the public broadcasting services in Iran are “state-run,” as if public media should be less significant in the life of the nation. And yet, the content of the broadcasting outlets is discursively positioned in complex ways by various constituencies and audiences. We are told that the privately-owned press faces censorship. Besides stating the obvious, such a statement does not tell us much about news production, especially about the ways in which journalists negotiate restrictions and bypass them in subtle and complex ways. We are always reminded that free speech is severely compromised by a repressive regime, even though Iranians have access to all kinds of uncensored content (e.g., online media, satellite television from abroad) and, as with other populations, access desired media by bypassing censorship mechanisms. How else could we explain a sophisticated electorate that not only participated in the recent elections in massive numbers (73% of eligible voters) but also resoundingly rejected populism (something that voters in England and the United States could not claim in their recent elections)? To make matters worse, the vocabulary used to discuss Iran rarely escapes the familiar worn-out binaries: reformists vs. hardliners; moderns vs. conservatives (i.e., modernity vs. tradition); urban vs. rural; and the list goes on.11 This is not to suggest these labels are entirely meaningless. The point is that their binarism and their deployment as expression of conflict between elites without addressing specific (media and cultural) policies prevent them from having any explanatory power.View all notes The subject of such discourses sounds like Iran, and it sounds stereotypically familiar, but it is not the Iran that one discovers upon visiting. Nutzungsrecht: © 2017 Taylor & Francis 2017 Cultural policy Social change Popular music Music Cultural change News coverage Political change Popular culture Enthalten in Popular communication: the international journal of media and culture Philadelphia : Taylor & Francis Group, 2003 15(2017), 3, Seite 155 (DE-627)529764490 (DE-600)2304187-0 (DE-576)9529764499 1540-5702 nnns volume:15 year:2017 number:3 pages:155 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609 Volltext http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609 https://search.proquest.com/docview/1920010597 GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_OLC SSG-OLC-BUB AR 15 2017 3 155 |
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10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609 doi PQ20171228 (DE-627)OLC1996450735 (DE-599)GBVOLC1996450735 (PRQ)i1137-76e835cd3c76293798122356f973354d5c49faed1ecd066c3b6c462218656ee00 (KEY)0524528120170000015000300155soundslikeiranonpopularmusicofiran DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng 070 ZDB Semati, Mehdi verfasserin aut Sounds like Iran: On popular music of Iran 2017 Text txt rdacontent ohne Hilfsmittel zu benutzen n rdamedia Band nc rdacarrier The pace and scope of change in the Islamic Republic of Iran in recent years have been remarkable. These transformations are readily observable to those who have traveled to Iran frequently. Yet the views on Iran, judging from journalistic and some academic writings in English, do not adequately engage these transformations. The Western press coverage of the Iranian presidential election in May of 2017 revealed some of these views in the form of certain clichés and familiar tropes. We were told, for example, elections are inconsequential and that the final authority rests with the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei. However, the presidential candidate favored by the Supreme Leader lost the election roundly. We are often told that the public broadcasting services in Iran are “state-run,” as if public media should be less significant in the life of the nation. And yet, the content of the broadcasting outlets is discursively positioned in complex ways by various constituencies and audiences. We are told that the privately-owned press faces censorship. Besides stating the obvious, such a statement does not tell us much about news production, especially about the ways in which journalists negotiate restrictions and bypass them in subtle and complex ways. We are always reminded that free speech is severely compromised by a repressive regime, even though Iranians have access to all kinds of uncensored content (e.g., online media, satellite television from abroad) and, as with other populations, access desired media by bypassing censorship mechanisms. How else could we explain a sophisticated electorate that not only participated in the recent elections in massive numbers (73% of eligible voters) but also resoundingly rejected populism (something that voters in England and the United States could not claim in their recent elections)? To make matters worse, the vocabulary used to discuss Iran rarely escapes the familiar worn-out binaries: reformists vs. hardliners; moderns vs. conservatives (i.e., modernity vs. tradition); urban vs. rural; and the list goes on.11 This is not to suggest these labels are entirely meaningless. The point is that their binarism and their deployment as expression of conflict between elites without addressing specific (media and cultural) policies prevent them from having any explanatory power.View all notes The subject of such discourses sounds like Iran, and it sounds stereotypically familiar, but it is not the Iran that one discovers upon visiting. Nutzungsrecht: © 2017 Taylor & Francis 2017 Cultural policy Social change Popular music Music Cultural change News coverage Political change Popular culture Enthalten in Popular communication: the international journal of media and culture Philadelphia : Taylor & Francis Group, 2003 15(2017), 3, Seite 155 (DE-627)529764490 (DE-600)2304187-0 (DE-576)9529764499 1540-5702 nnns volume:15 year:2017 number:3 pages:155 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609 Volltext http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609 https://search.proquest.com/docview/1920010597 GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_OLC SSG-OLC-BUB AR 15 2017 3 155 |
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10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609 doi PQ20171228 (DE-627)OLC1996450735 (DE-599)GBVOLC1996450735 (PRQ)i1137-76e835cd3c76293798122356f973354d5c49faed1ecd066c3b6c462218656ee00 (KEY)0524528120170000015000300155soundslikeiranonpopularmusicofiran DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng 070 ZDB Semati, Mehdi verfasserin aut Sounds like Iran: On popular music of Iran 2017 Text txt rdacontent ohne Hilfsmittel zu benutzen n rdamedia Band nc rdacarrier The pace and scope of change in the Islamic Republic of Iran in recent years have been remarkable. These transformations are readily observable to those who have traveled to Iran frequently. Yet the views on Iran, judging from journalistic and some academic writings in English, do not adequately engage these transformations. The Western press coverage of the Iranian presidential election in May of 2017 revealed some of these views in the form of certain clichés and familiar tropes. We were told, for example, elections are inconsequential and that the final authority rests with the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei. However, the presidential candidate favored by the Supreme Leader lost the election roundly. We are often told that the public broadcasting services in Iran are “state-run,” as if public media should be less significant in the life of the nation. And yet, the content of the broadcasting outlets is discursively positioned in complex ways by various constituencies and audiences. We are told that the privately-owned press faces censorship. Besides stating the obvious, such a statement does not tell us much about news production, especially about the ways in which journalists negotiate restrictions and bypass them in subtle and complex ways. We are always reminded that free speech is severely compromised by a repressive regime, even though Iranians have access to all kinds of uncensored content (e.g., online media, satellite television from abroad) and, as with other populations, access desired media by bypassing censorship mechanisms. How else could we explain a sophisticated electorate that not only participated in the recent elections in massive numbers (73% of eligible voters) but also resoundingly rejected populism (something that voters in England and the United States could not claim in their recent elections)? To make matters worse, the vocabulary used to discuss Iran rarely escapes the familiar worn-out binaries: reformists vs. hardliners; moderns vs. conservatives (i.e., modernity vs. tradition); urban vs. rural; and the list goes on.11 This is not to suggest these labels are entirely meaningless. The point is that their binarism and their deployment as expression of conflict between elites without addressing specific (media and cultural) policies prevent them from having any explanatory power.View all notes The subject of such discourses sounds like Iran, and it sounds stereotypically familiar, but it is not the Iran that one discovers upon visiting. Nutzungsrecht: © 2017 Taylor & Francis 2017 Cultural policy Social change Popular music Music Cultural change News coverage Political change Popular culture Enthalten in Popular communication: the international journal of media and culture Philadelphia : Taylor & Francis Group, 2003 15(2017), 3, Seite 155 (DE-627)529764490 (DE-600)2304187-0 (DE-576)9529764499 1540-5702 nnns volume:15 year:2017 number:3 pages:155 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609 Volltext http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609 https://search.proquest.com/docview/1920010597 GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_OLC SSG-OLC-BUB AR 15 2017 3 155 |
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10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609 doi PQ20171228 (DE-627)OLC1996450735 (DE-599)GBVOLC1996450735 (PRQ)i1137-76e835cd3c76293798122356f973354d5c49faed1ecd066c3b6c462218656ee00 (KEY)0524528120170000015000300155soundslikeiranonpopularmusicofiran DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng 070 ZDB Semati, Mehdi verfasserin aut Sounds like Iran: On popular music of Iran 2017 Text txt rdacontent ohne Hilfsmittel zu benutzen n rdamedia Band nc rdacarrier The pace and scope of change in the Islamic Republic of Iran in recent years have been remarkable. These transformations are readily observable to those who have traveled to Iran frequently. Yet the views on Iran, judging from journalistic and some academic writings in English, do not adequately engage these transformations. The Western press coverage of the Iranian presidential election in May of 2017 revealed some of these views in the form of certain clichés and familiar tropes. We were told, for example, elections are inconsequential and that the final authority rests with the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei. However, the presidential candidate favored by the Supreme Leader lost the election roundly. We are often told that the public broadcasting services in Iran are “state-run,” as if public media should be less significant in the life of the nation. And yet, the content of the broadcasting outlets is discursively positioned in complex ways by various constituencies and audiences. We are told that the privately-owned press faces censorship. Besides stating the obvious, such a statement does not tell us much about news production, especially about the ways in which journalists negotiate restrictions and bypass them in subtle and complex ways. We are always reminded that free speech is severely compromised by a repressive regime, even though Iranians have access to all kinds of uncensored content (e.g., online media, satellite television from abroad) and, as with other populations, access desired media by bypassing censorship mechanisms. How else could we explain a sophisticated electorate that not only participated in the recent elections in massive numbers (73% of eligible voters) but also resoundingly rejected populism (something that voters in England and the United States could not claim in their recent elections)? To make matters worse, the vocabulary used to discuss Iran rarely escapes the familiar worn-out binaries: reformists vs. hardliners; moderns vs. conservatives (i.e., modernity vs. tradition); urban vs. rural; and the list goes on.11 This is not to suggest these labels are entirely meaningless. The point is that their binarism and their deployment as expression of conflict between elites without addressing specific (media and cultural) policies prevent them from having any explanatory power.View all notes The subject of such discourses sounds like Iran, and it sounds stereotypically familiar, but it is not the Iran that one discovers upon visiting. Nutzungsrecht: © 2017 Taylor & Francis 2017 Cultural policy Social change Popular music Music Cultural change News coverage Political change Popular culture Enthalten in Popular communication: the international journal of media and culture Philadelphia : Taylor & Francis Group, 2003 15(2017), 3, Seite 155 (DE-627)529764490 (DE-600)2304187-0 (DE-576)9529764499 1540-5702 nnns volume:15 year:2017 number:3 pages:155 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609 Volltext http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609 https://search.proquest.com/docview/1920010597 GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_OLC SSG-OLC-BUB AR 15 2017 3 155 |
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10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609 doi PQ20171228 (DE-627)OLC1996450735 (DE-599)GBVOLC1996450735 (PRQ)i1137-76e835cd3c76293798122356f973354d5c49faed1ecd066c3b6c462218656ee00 (KEY)0524528120170000015000300155soundslikeiranonpopularmusicofiran DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng 070 ZDB Semati, Mehdi verfasserin aut Sounds like Iran: On popular music of Iran 2017 Text txt rdacontent ohne Hilfsmittel zu benutzen n rdamedia Band nc rdacarrier The pace and scope of change in the Islamic Republic of Iran in recent years have been remarkable. These transformations are readily observable to those who have traveled to Iran frequently. Yet the views on Iran, judging from journalistic and some academic writings in English, do not adequately engage these transformations. The Western press coverage of the Iranian presidential election in May of 2017 revealed some of these views in the form of certain clichés and familiar tropes. We were told, for example, elections are inconsequential and that the final authority rests with the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei. However, the presidential candidate favored by the Supreme Leader lost the election roundly. We are often told that the public broadcasting services in Iran are “state-run,” as if public media should be less significant in the life of the nation. And yet, the content of the broadcasting outlets is discursively positioned in complex ways by various constituencies and audiences. We are told that the privately-owned press faces censorship. Besides stating the obvious, such a statement does not tell us much about news production, especially about the ways in which journalists negotiate restrictions and bypass them in subtle and complex ways. We are always reminded that free speech is severely compromised by a repressive regime, even though Iranians have access to all kinds of uncensored content (e.g., online media, satellite television from abroad) and, as with other populations, access desired media by bypassing censorship mechanisms. How else could we explain a sophisticated electorate that not only participated in the recent elections in massive numbers (73% of eligible voters) but also resoundingly rejected populism (something that voters in England and the United States could not claim in their recent elections)? To make matters worse, the vocabulary used to discuss Iran rarely escapes the familiar worn-out binaries: reformists vs. hardliners; moderns vs. conservatives (i.e., modernity vs. tradition); urban vs. rural; and the list goes on.11 This is not to suggest these labels are entirely meaningless. The point is that their binarism and their deployment as expression of conflict between elites without addressing specific (media and cultural) policies prevent them from having any explanatory power.View all notes The subject of such discourses sounds like Iran, and it sounds stereotypically familiar, but it is not the Iran that one discovers upon visiting. Nutzungsrecht: © 2017 Taylor & Francis 2017 Cultural policy Social change Popular music Music Cultural change News coverage Political change Popular culture Enthalten in Popular communication: the international journal of media and culture Philadelphia : Taylor & Francis Group, 2003 15(2017), 3, Seite 155 (DE-627)529764490 (DE-600)2304187-0 (DE-576)9529764499 1540-5702 nnns volume:15 year:2017 number:3 pages:155 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609 Volltext http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609 https://search.proquest.com/docview/1920010597 GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_OLC SSG-OLC-BUB AR 15 2017 3 155 |
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These transformations are readily observable to those who have traveled to Iran frequently. Yet the views on Iran, judging from journalistic and some academic writings in English, do not adequately engage these transformations. The Western press coverage of the Iranian presidential election in May of 2017 revealed some of these views in the form of certain clichés and familiar tropes. We were told, for example, elections are inconsequential and that the final authority rests with the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei. However, the presidential candidate favored by the Supreme Leader lost the election roundly. We are often told that the public broadcasting services in Iran are “state-run,” as if public media should be less significant in the life of the nation. And yet, the content of the broadcasting outlets is discursively positioned in complex ways by various constituencies and audiences. We are told that the privately-owned press faces censorship. Besides stating the obvious, such a statement does not tell us much about news production, especially about the ways in which journalists negotiate restrictions and bypass them in subtle and complex ways. We are always reminded that free speech is severely compromised by a repressive regime, even though Iranians have access to all kinds of uncensored content (e.g., online media, satellite television from abroad) and, as with other populations, access desired media by bypassing censorship mechanisms. How else could we explain a sophisticated electorate that not only participated in the recent elections in massive numbers (73% of eligible voters) but also resoundingly rejected populism (something that voters in England and the United States could not claim in their recent elections)? To make matters worse, the vocabulary used to discuss Iran rarely escapes the familiar worn-out binaries: reformists vs. hardliners; moderns vs. conservatives (i.e., modernity vs. tradition); urban vs. rural; and the list goes on.11 This is not to suggest these labels are entirely meaningless. The point is that their binarism and their deployment as expression of conflict between elites without addressing specific (media and cultural) policies prevent them from having any explanatory power.View all notes The subject of such discourses sounds like Iran, and it sounds stereotypically familiar, but it is not the Iran that one discovers upon visiting.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="540" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Nutzungsrecht: © 2017 Taylor & Francis 2017</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="4"><subfield code="a">Cultural policy</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="4"><subfield code="a">Social change</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="4"><subfield code="a">Popular music</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="4"><subfield code="a">Music</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="4"><subfield code="a">Cultural change</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="4"><subfield code="a">News coverage</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="4"><subfield code="a">Political change</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="4"><subfield code="a">Popular culture</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="773" ind1="0" ind2="8"><subfield code="i">Enthalten in</subfield><subfield code="t">Popular communication: the international journal of media and culture</subfield><subfield code="d">Philadelphia : Taylor & Francis Group, 2003</subfield><subfield code="g">15(2017), 3, Seite 155</subfield><subfield code="w">(DE-627)529764490</subfield><subfield code="w">(DE-600)2304187-0</subfield><subfield code="w">(DE-576)9529764499</subfield><subfield code="x">1540-5702</subfield><subfield code="7">nnns</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="773" ind1="1" ind2="8"><subfield code="g">volume:15</subfield><subfield code="g">year:2017</subfield><subfield code="g">number:3</subfield><subfield code="g">pages:155</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="856" ind1="4" ind2="1"><subfield code="u">http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609</subfield><subfield code="3">Volltext</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="856" ind1="4" ind2="2"><subfield code="u">http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15405702.2017.1343609</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="856" ind1="4" ind2="2"><subfield code="u">https://search.proquest.com/docview/1920010597</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">GBV_USEFLAG_A</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">SYSFLAG_A</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">GBV_OLC</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">SSG-OLC-BUB</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="951" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">AR</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="952" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="d">15</subfield><subfield code="j">2017</subfield><subfield code="e">3</subfield><subfield code="h">155</subfield></datafield></record></collection>
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Sounds like Iran: On popular music of Iran |
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The pace and scope of change in the Islamic Republic of Iran in recent years have been remarkable. These transformations are readily observable to those who have traveled to Iran frequently. Yet the views on Iran, judging from journalistic and some academic writings in English, do not adequately engage these transformations. The Western press coverage of the Iranian presidential election in May of 2017 revealed some of these views in the form of certain clichés and familiar tropes. We were told, for example, elections are inconsequential and that the final authority rests with the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei. However, the presidential candidate favored by the Supreme Leader lost the election roundly. We are often told that the public broadcasting services in Iran are “state-run,” as if public media should be less significant in the life of the nation. And yet, the content of the broadcasting outlets is discursively positioned in complex ways by various constituencies and audiences. We are told that the privately-owned press faces censorship. Besides stating the obvious, such a statement does not tell us much about news production, especially about the ways in which journalists negotiate restrictions and bypass them in subtle and complex ways. We are always reminded that free speech is severely compromised by a repressive regime, even though Iranians have access to all kinds of uncensored content (e.g., online media, satellite television from abroad) and, as with other populations, access desired media by bypassing censorship mechanisms. How else could we explain a sophisticated electorate that not only participated in the recent elections in massive numbers (73% of eligible voters) but also resoundingly rejected populism (something that voters in England and the United States could not claim in their recent elections)? To make matters worse, the vocabulary used to discuss Iran rarely escapes the familiar worn-out binaries: reformists vs. hardliners; moderns vs. conservatives (i.e., modernity vs. tradition); urban vs. rural; and the list goes on.11 This is not to suggest these labels are entirely meaningless. The point is that their binarism and their deployment as expression of conflict between elites without addressing specific (media and cultural) policies prevent them from having any explanatory power.View all notes The subject of such discourses sounds like Iran, and it sounds stereotypically familiar, but it is not the Iran that one discovers upon visiting. |
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The pace and scope of change in the Islamic Republic of Iran in recent years have been remarkable. These transformations are readily observable to those who have traveled to Iran frequently. Yet the views on Iran, judging from journalistic and some academic writings in English, do not adequately engage these transformations. The Western press coverage of the Iranian presidential election in May of 2017 revealed some of these views in the form of certain clichés and familiar tropes. We were told, for example, elections are inconsequential and that the final authority rests with the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei. However, the presidential candidate favored by the Supreme Leader lost the election roundly. We are often told that the public broadcasting services in Iran are “state-run,” as if public media should be less significant in the life of the nation. And yet, the content of the broadcasting outlets is discursively positioned in complex ways by various constituencies and audiences. We are told that the privately-owned press faces censorship. Besides stating the obvious, such a statement does not tell us much about news production, especially about the ways in which journalists negotiate restrictions and bypass them in subtle and complex ways. We are always reminded that free speech is severely compromised by a repressive regime, even though Iranians have access to all kinds of uncensored content (e.g., online media, satellite television from abroad) and, as with other populations, access desired media by bypassing censorship mechanisms. How else could we explain a sophisticated electorate that not only participated in the recent elections in massive numbers (73% of eligible voters) but also resoundingly rejected populism (something that voters in England and the United States could not claim in their recent elections)? To make matters worse, the vocabulary used to discuss Iran rarely escapes the familiar worn-out binaries: reformists vs. hardliners; moderns vs. conservatives (i.e., modernity vs. tradition); urban vs. rural; and the list goes on.11 This is not to suggest these labels are entirely meaningless. The point is that their binarism and their deployment as expression of conflict between elites without addressing specific (media and cultural) policies prevent them from having any explanatory power.View all notes The subject of such discourses sounds like Iran, and it sounds stereotypically familiar, but it is not the Iran that one discovers upon visiting. |
| abstract_unstemmed |
The pace and scope of change in the Islamic Republic of Iran in recent years have been remarkable. These transformations are readily observable to those who have traveled to Iran frequently. Yet the views on Iran, judging from journalistic and some academic writings in English, do not adequately engage these transformations. The Western press coverage of the Iranian presidential election in May of 2017 revealed some of these views in the form of certain clichés and familiar tropes. We were told, for example, elections are inconsequential and that the final authority rests with the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei. However, the presidential candidate favored by the Supreme Leader lost the election roundly. We are often told that the public broadcasting services in Iran are “state-run,” as if public media should be less significant in the life of the nation. And yet, the content of the broadcasting outlets is discursively positioned in complex ways by various constituencies and audiences. We are told that the privately-owned press faces censorship. Besides stating the obvious, such a statement does not tell us much about news production, especially about the ways in which journalists negotiate restrictions and bypass them in subtle and complex ways. We are always reminded that free speech is severely compromised by a repressive regime, even though Iranians have access to all kinds of uncensored content (e.g., online media, satellite television from abroad) and, as with other populations, access desired media by bypassing censorship mechanisms. How else could we explain a sophisticated electorate that not only participated in the recent elections in massive numbers (73% of eligible voters) but also resoundingly rejected populism (something that voters in England and the United States could not claim in their recent elections)? To make matters worse, the vocabulary used to discuss Iran rarely escapes the familiar worn-out binaries: reformists vs. hardliners; moderns vs. conservatives (i.e., modernity vs. tradition); urban vs. rural; and the list goes on.11 This is not to suggest these labels are entirely meaningless. The point is that their binarism and their deployment as expression of conflict between elites without addressing specific (media and cultural) policies prevent them from having any explanatory power.View all notes The subject of such discourses sounds like Iran, and it sounds stereotypically familiar, but it is not the Iran that one discovers upon visiting. |
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