Is volunteer labor part of household production? Evidence from married couples
Abstract Volunteer labor is generally modeled as an individualistic pursuit, akin to leisure or to human capital accumulation. Some activities labeled as volunteering, however, may be more usefully thought of as quid pro quo time commitments that are part of securing services for family members. Par...
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| Autor*in: |
Brown, Eleanor [verfasserIn] |
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| Format: |
Artikel |
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| Sprache: |
Englisch |
| Erschienen: |
2012 |
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| Schlagwörter: |
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| Anmerkung: |
© Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 |
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| Übergeordnetes Werk: |
Enthalten in: Review of Economics of the Household - Springer US, 2003, 11(2012), 3 vom: 07. Jan., Seite 341-369 |
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| Übergeordnetes Werk: |
volume:11 ; year:2012 ; number:3 ; day:07 ; month:01 ; pages:341-369 |
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| DOI / URN: |
10.1007/s11150-011-9138-1 |
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OLC2075154198 |
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| 520 | |a Abstract Volunteer labor is generally modeled as an individualistic pursuit, akin to leisure or to human capital accumulation. Some activities labeled as volunteering, however, may be more usefully thought of as quid pro quo time commitments that are part of securing services for family members. Parents are frequently expected to volunteer, for example, when their children participate in youth sports leagues or school marching bands. In such cases, volunteering is essentially an instance of household production undertaken outside the home. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, we divide volunteering into three categories—youth-related, religious, and non-youth-related secular—according to the likelihood that an instance of volunteering in the category represents household production. We find evidence that husbands and wives respond to one another’s time pressures such that youth-related volunteering looks like a task for which husbands’ and wives’ time inputs substitute for one another. Further, we find this pattern for housework, and not for other forms of volunteering. An increase in either spouse’s hours of market work will significantly reduce that spouse’s likelihood of volunteering for youth-related activities while raising the partner’s likelihood of volunteering. A similar pattern holds for hours volunteered to youth-related activities, with the wife’s responses achieving statistical significance. | ||
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10.1007/s11150-011-9138-1 doi (DE-627)OLC2075154198 (DE-He213)s11150-011-9138-1-p DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng 330 VZ Brown, Eleanor verfasserin aut Is volunteer labor part of household production? Evidence from married couples 2012 Text txt rdacontent ohne Hilfsmittel zu benutzen n rdamedia Band nc rdacarrier © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 Abstract Volunteer labor is generally modeled as an individualistic pursuit, akin to leisure or to human capital accumulation. Some activities labeled as volunteering, however, may be more usefully thought of as quid pro quo time commitments that are part of securing services for family members. Parents are frequently expected to volunteer, for example, when their children participate in youth sports leagues or school marching bands. In such cases, volunteering is essentially an instance of household production undertaken outside the home. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, we divide volunteering into three categories—youth-related, religious, and non-youth-related secular—according to the likelihood that an instance of volunteering in the category represents household production. We find evidence that husbands and wives respond to one another’s time pressures such that youth-related volunteering looks like a task for which husbands’ and wives’ time inputs substitute for one another. Further, we find this pattern for housework, and not for other forms of volunteering. An increase in either spouse’s hours of market work will significantly reduce that spouse’s likelihood of volunteering for youth-related activities while raising the partner’s likelihood of volunteering. A similar pattern holds for hours volunteered to youth-related activities, with the wife’s responses achieving statistical significance. Volunteer labor Household production Intra-family resource allocation Time allocation Zhang, Ye aut Enthalten in Review of Economics of the Household Springer US, 2003 11(2012), 3 vom: 07. Jan., Seite 341-369 (DE-627)363769102 (DE-600)2108192-X (DE-576)266542344 1569-5239 nnns volume:11 year:2012 number:3 day:07 month:01 pages:341-369 https://doi.org/10.1007/s11150-011-9138-1 lizenzpflichtig Volltext GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_OLC SSG-OLC-WIW GBV_ILN_26 AR 11 2012 3 07 01 341-369 |
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10.1007/s11150-011-9138-1 doi (DE-627)OLC2075154198 (DE-He213)s11150-011-9138-1-p DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng 330 VZ Brown, Eleanor verfasserin aut Is volunteer labor part of household production? Evidence from married couples 2012 Text txt rdacontent ohne Hilfsmittel zu benutzen n rdamedia Band nc rdacarrier © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 Abstract Volunteer labor is generally modeled as an individualistic pursuit, akin to leisure or to human capital accumulation. Some activities labeled as volunteering, however, may be more usefully thought of as quid pro quo time commitments that are part of securing services for family members. Parents are frequently expected to volunteer, for example, when their children participate in youth sports leagues or school marching bands. In such cases, volunteering is essentially an instance of household production undertaken outside the home. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, we divide volunteering into three categories—youth-related, religious, and non-youth-related secular—according to the likelihood that an instance of volunteering in the category represents household production. We find evidence that husbands and wives respond to one another’s time pressures such that youth-related volunteering looks like a task for which husbands’ and wives’ time inputs substitute for one another. Further, we find this pattern for housework, and not for other forms of volunteering. An increase in either spouse’s hours of market work will significantly reduce that spouse’s likelihood of volunteering for youth-related activities while raising the partner’s likelihood of volunteering. A similar pattern holds for hours volunteered to youth-related activities, with the wife’s responses achieving statistical significance. Volunteer labor Household production Intra-family resource allocation Time allocation Zhang, Ye aut Enthalten in Review of Economics of the Household Springer US, 2003 11(2012), 3 vom: 07. Jan., Seite 341-369 (DE-627)363769102 (DE-600)2108192-X (DE-576)266542344 1569-5239 nnns volume:11 year:2012 number:3 day:07 month:01 pages:341-369 https://doi.org/10.1007/s11150-011-9138-1 lizenzpflichtig Volltext GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_OLC SSG-OLC-WIW GBV_ILN_26 AR 11 2012 3 07 01 341-369 |
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10.1007/s11150-011-9138-1 doi (DE-627)OLC2075154198 (DE-He213)s11150-011-9138-1-p DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng 330 VZ Brown, Eleanor verfasserin aut Is volunteer labor part of household production? Evidence from married couples 2012 Text txt rdacontent ohne Hilfsmittel zu benutzen n rdamedia Band nc rdacarrier © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 Abstract Volunteer labor is generally modeled as an individualistic pursuit, akin to leisure or to human capital accumulation. Some activities labeled as volunteering, however, may be more usefully thought of as quid pro quo time commitments that are part of securing services for family members. Parents are frequently expected to volunteer, for example, when their children participate in youth sports leagues or school marching bands. In such cases, volunteering is essentially an instance of household production undertaken outside the home. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, we divide volunteering into three categories—youth-related, religious, and non-youth-related secular—according to the likelihood that an instance of volunteering in the category represents household production. We find evidence that husbands and wives respond to one another’s time pressures such that youth-related volunteering looks like a task for which husbands’ and wives’ time inputs substitute for one another. Further, we find this pattern for housework, and not for other forms of volunteering. An increase in either spouse’s hours of market work will significantly reduce that spouse’s likelihood of volunteering for youth-related activities while raising the partner’s likelihood of volunteering. A similar pattern holds for hours volunteered to youth-related activities, with the wife’s responses achieving statistical significance. Volunteer labor Household production Intra-family resource allocation Time allocation Zhang, Ye aut Enthalten in Review of Economics of the Household Springer US, 2003 11(2012), 3 vom: 07. Jan., Seite 341-369 (DE-627)363769102 (DE-600)2108192-X (DE-576)266542344 1569-5239 nnns volume:11 year:2012 number:3 day:07 month:01 pages:341-369 https://doi.org/10.1007/s11150-011-9138-1 lizenzpflichtig Volltext GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_OLC SSG-OLC-WIW GBV_ILN_26 AR 11 2012 3 07 01 341-369 |
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10.1007/s11150-011-9138-1 doi (DE-627)OLC2075154198 (DE-He213)s11150-011-9138-1-p DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng 330 VZ Brown, Eleanor verfasserin aut Is volunteer labor part of household production? Evidence from married couples 2012 Text txt rdacontent ohne Hilfsmittel zu benutzen n rdamedia Band nc rdacarrier © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 Abstract Volunteer labor is generally modeled as an individualistic pursuit, akin to leisure or to human capital accumulation. Some activities labeled as volunteering, however, may be more usefully thought of as quid pro quo time commitments that are part of securing services for family members. Parents are frequently expected to volunteer, for example, when their children participate in youth sports leagues or school marching bands. In such cases, volunteering is essentially an instance of household production undertaken outside the home. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, we divide volunteering into three categories—youth-related, religious, and non-youth-related secular—according to the likelihood that an instance of volunteering in the category represents household production. We find evidence that husbands and wives respond to one another’s time pressures such that youth-related volunteering looks like a task for which husbands’ and wives’ time inputs substitute for one another. Further, we find this pattern for housework, and not for other forms of volunteering. An increase in either spouse’s hours of market work will significantly reduce that spouse’s likelihood of volunteering for youth-related activities while raising the partner’s likelihood of volunteering. A similar pattern holds for hours volunteered to youth-related activities, with the wife’s responses achieving statistical significance. Volunteer labor Household production Intra-family resource allocation Time allocation Zhang, Ye aut Enthalten in Review of Economics of the Household Springer US, 2003 11(2012), 3 vom: 07. Jan., Seite 341-369 (DE-627)363769102 (DE-600)2108192-X (DE-576)266542344 1569-5239 nnns volume:11 year:2012 number:3 day:07 month:01 pages:341-369 https://doi.org/10.1007/s11150-011-9138-1 lizenzpflichtig Volltext GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_OLC SSG-OLC-WIW GBV_ILN_26 AR 11 2012 3 07 01 341-369 |
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10.1007/s11150-011-9138-1 doi (DE-627)OLC2075154198 (DE-He213)s11150-011-9138-1-p DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng 330 VZ Brown, Eleanor verfasserin aut Is volunteer labor part of household production? Evidence from married couples 2012 Text txt rdacontent ohne Hilfsmittel zu benutzen n rdamedia Band nc rdacarrier © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 Abstract Volunteer labor is generally modeled as an individualistic pursuit, akin to leisure or to human capital accumulation. Some activities labeled as volunteering, however, may be more usefully thought of as quid pro quo time commitments that are part of securing services for family members. Parents are frequently expected to volunteer, for example, when their children participate in youth sports leagues or school marching bands. In such cases, volunteering is essentially an instance of household production undertaken outside the home. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, we divide volunteering into three categories—youth-related, religious, and non-youth-related secular—according to the likelihood that an instance of volunteering in the category represents household production. We find evidence that husbands and wives respond to one another’s time pressures such that youth-related volunteering looks like a task for which husbands’ and wives’ time inputs substitute for one another. Further, we find this pattern for housework, and not for other forms of volunteering. An increase in either spouse’s hours of market work will significantly reduce that spouse’s likelihood of volunteering for youth-related activities while raising the partner’s likelihood of volunteering. A similar pattern holds for hours volunteered to youth-related activities, with the wife’s responses achieving statistical significance. Volunteer labor Household production Intra-family resource allocation Time allocation Zhang, Ye aut Enthalten in Review of Economics of the Household Springer US, 2003 11(2012), 3 vom: 07. Jan., Seite 341-369 (DE-627)363769102 (DE-600)2108192-X (DE-576)266542344 1569-5239 nnns volume:11 year:2012 number:3 day:07 month:01 pages:341-369 https://doi.org/10.1007/s11150-011-9138-1 lizenzpflichtig Volltext GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_OLC SSG-OLC-WIW GBV_ILN_26 AR 11 2012 3 07 01 341-369 |
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Abstract Volunteer labor is generally modeled as an individualistic pursuit, akin to leisure or to human capital accumulation. Some activities labeled as volunteering, however, may be more usefully thought of as quid pro quo time commitments that are part of securing services for family members. Parents are frequently expected to volunteer, for example, when their children participate in youth sports leagues or school marching bands. In such cases, volunteering is essentially an instance of household production undertaken outside the home. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, we divide volunteering into three categories—youth-related, religious, and non-youth-related secular—according to the likelihood that an instance of volunteering in the category represents household production. We find evidence that husbands and wives respond to one another’s time pressures such that youth-related volunteering looks like a task for which husbands’ and wives’ time inputs substitute for one another. Further, we find this pattern for housework, and not for other forms of volunteering. An increase in either spouse’s hours of market work will significantly reduce that spouse’s likelihood of volunteering for youth-related activities while raising the partner’s likelihood of volunteering. A similar pattern holds for hours volunteered to youth-related activities, with the wife’s responses achieving statistical significance. © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 |
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Abstract Volunteer labor is generally modeled as an individualistic pursuit, akin to leisure or to human capital accumulation. Some activities labeled as volunteering, however, may be more usefully thought of as quid pro quo time commitments that are part of securing services for family members. Parents are frequently expected to volunteer, for example, when their children participate in youth sports leagues or school marching bands. In such cases, volunteering is essentially an instance of household production undertaken outside the home. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, we divide volunteering into three categories—youth-related, religious, and non-youth-related secular—according to the likelihood that an instance of volunteering in the category represents household production. We find evidence that husbands and wives respond to one another’s time pressures such that youth-related volunteering looks like a task for which husbands’ and wives’ time inputs substitute for one another. Further, we find this pattern for housework, and not for other forms of volunteering. An increase in either spouse’s hours of market work will significantly reduce that spouse’s likelihood of volunteering for youth-related activities while raising the partner’s likelihood of volunteering. A similar pattern holds for hours volunteered to youth-related activities, with the wife’s responses achieving statistical significance. © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 |
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Abstract Volunteer labor is generally modeled as an individualistic pursuit, akin to leisure or to human capital accumulation. Some activities labeled as volunteering, however, may be more usefully thought of as quid pro quo time commitments that are part of securing services for family members. Parents are frequently expected to volunteer, for example, when their children participate in youth sports leagues or school marching bands. In such cases, volunteering is essentially an instance of household production undertaken outside the home. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, we divide volunteering into three categories—youth-related, religious, and non-youth-related secular—according to the likelihood that an instance of volunteering in the category represents household production. We find evidence that husbands and wives respond to one another’s time pressures such that youth-related volunteering looks like a task for which husbands’ and wives’ time inputs substitute for one another. Further, we find this pattern for housework, and not for other forms of volunteering. An increase in either spouse’s hours of market work will significantly reduce that spouse’s likelihood of volunteering for youth-related activities while raising the partner’s likelihood of volunteering. A similar pattern holds for hours volunteered to youth-related activities, with the wife’s responses achieving statistical significance. © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 |
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Is volunteer labor part of household production? Evidence from married couples |
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Zhang, Ye |
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