Chinese Engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa: Can the Beijing Consensus be Explained Under World-Systems Analysis?
Abstract The purpose of this paper is to: (1) explain what the historical origins of the world-systems concept are; (2) present the background for building the Washington Consensus; (3) attempt to answer if the Beijing Consensus can be interpreted as an alternative to the Washington Consensus; (4) a...
Ausführliche Beschreibung
Autor*in: |
Lubieniecka, Ewelina Róża [verfasserIn] |
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Format: |
E-Artikel |
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Sprache: |
Englisch |
Erschienen: |
2014 |
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Schlagwörter: |
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Anmerkung: |
© The Author(s) 2014 |
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Übergeordnetes Werk: |
Enthalten in: Fudan Journal of the humanities & social sciences - Cham : Springer International Publishing AG, 2010, 7(2014), 3 vom: 17. Juli, Seite 433-450 |
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Übergeordnetes Werk: |
volume:7 ; year:2014 ; number:3 ; day:17 ; month:07 ; pages:433-450 |
Links: |
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DOI / URN: |
10.1007/s40647-014-0023-1 |
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Katalog-ID: |
SPR037110136 |
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520 | |a Abstract The purpose of this paper is to: (1) explain what the historical origins of the world-systems concept are; (2) present the background for building the Washington Consensus; (3) attempt to answer if the Beijing Consensus can be interpreted as an alternative to the Washington Consensus; (4) attempt to answer if the world-systems concept is applicable to the current engagement of China in Africa. The world-systems concept provides a useful framework for research in international relations, thanks to both its methodological and theoretical assumptions. As it urges for treating social sciences as an interconnected system, i.e. it believes there is a link between sociology, economics, anthropology and the political sciences, it enables studying the reality of current international relations. Chinese presence in Sub-Saharan Africa should be seen from different points of view, as it affects most spheres of the state: it influences the economics and societies of the African countries (e.g. employment, migration, environment), as well as politics (e.g. elections in Zambia in 2011 BBC http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-14952240, 2011). Thus, the multi-dimensional analysis provided by the world-systems theory, though not free of drawbacks (e.g. lack of a detailed analysis of each variable), allows a comprehensive and holistic look at the issue of Chinese engagement in Africa. In terms of theoretical assumptions, its focus on system as a whole (which can be both studied at domestic and international levels) provides a basis for conducting studies at a regional level, treating Sub-Saharan Africa as the study’s object. The classic world-systems concept defines world economy as driven by the cores’ domination on the peripheries (described also as North–South division). Most countries in sub-Saharan Africa fit into the scheme of world-systems analysis as the peripheries, but China cannot be treated as a core state: it is a semi-periphery, as described by Wallerstein, and representative of Global South. China’s policy towards Sub-Saharan African countries has a distinct geo-economic pattern—a pattern of South–South cooperation. China’s relations with Sub-Saharan Africa are (at least on the rhetoric sphere) built on ‘mutual benefit’, ‘win–win cooperation’, and similar historical experience, though the partners are not on a similar level of economic development. The growing presence of China in Africa is, therefore, a challenge to traditional assumptions of world-systems analysis and should be further researched. The aim of this article is to answer whether the world-systems theory can be reinterpreted to serve as the framework for conducting research on Chinese engagement in the Global South, especially in Sub-Saharan African countries. The Washington Consensus regarded as the general shift from Keynesianism to neoliberal economic policies (i.e. in the broader sense than that given by Williamson in 1989) fits into the dialectic of world-systems analysis. The Washington Consensus principles provide a framework through which the core countries carry out their policies towards the peripheries. However, not only numerous scholars (Broad and Cavanagh World Policy Journal 16:79, 1999; Wallerstein Shall We Discuss Poverty?, 2010; Rodrik Journal of Economic Literature XLIV:973, 2006) but also politicians (As the former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown Washington Post 2009) declared the death of the Washington Consensus. It became even more apparent after the latest financial crisis. Joshua Ramo coined the term “the Beijing Consensus” to describe the Chinese model of cooperation, different from the Western. Is this distinction based on a reliable foundation? Is the Beijing Consensus an alternative to the Washington Consensus? Can the current unprecedented presence of China in Sub-Saharan Africa (as well as in other regions of the Global South) be seen as a part of the world-systems concept? Should the China–Africa relationship be the new direction of research in the world-systems concept? | ||
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10.1007/s40647-014-0023-1 doi (DE-627)SPR037110136 (SPR)s40647-014-0023-1-e DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng Lubieniecka, Ewelina Róża verfasserin aut Chinese Engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa: Can the Beijing Consensus be Explained Under World-Systems Analysis? 2014 Text txt rdacontent Computermedien c rdamedia Online-Ressource cr rdacarrier © The Author(s) 2014 Abstract The purpose of this paper is to: (1) explain what the historical origins of the world-systems concept are; (2) present the background for building the Washington Consensus; (3) attempt to answer if the Beijing Consensus can be interpreted as an alternative to the Washington Consensus; (4) attempt to answer if the world-systems concept is applicable to the current engagement of China in Africa. The world-systems concept provides a useful framework for research in international relations, thanks to both its methodological and theoretical assumptions. As it urges for treating social sciences as an interconnected system, i.e. it believes there is a link between sociology, economics, anthropology and the political sciences, it enables studying the reality of current international relations. Chinese presence in Sub-Saharan Africa should be seen from different points of view, as it affects most spheres of the state: it influences the economics and societies of the African countries (e.g. employment, migration, environment), as well as politics (e.g. elections in Zambia in 2011 BBC http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-14952240, 2011). Thus, the multi-dimensional analysis provided by the world-systems theory, though not free of drawbacks (e.g. lack of a detailed analysis of each variable), allows a comprehensive and holistic look at the issue of Chinese engagement in Africa. In terms of theoretical assumptions, its focus on system as a whole (which can be both studied at domestic and international levels) provides a basis for conducting studies at a regional level, treating Sub-Saharan Africa as the study’s object. The classic world-systems concept defines world economy as driven by the cores’ domination on the peripheries (described also as North–South division). Most countries in sub-Saharan Africa fit into the scheme of world-systems analysis as the peripheries, but China cannot be treated as a core state: it is a semi-periphery, as described by Wallerstein, and representative of Global South. China’s policy towards Sub-Saharan African countries has a distinct geo-economic pattern—a pattern of South–South cooperation. China’s relations with Sub-Saharan Africa are (at least on the rhetoric sphere) built on ‘mutual benefit’, ‘win–win cooperation’, and similar historical experience, though the partners are not on a similar level of economic development. The growing presence of China in Africa is, therefore, a challenge to traditional assumptions of world-systems analysis and should be further researched. The aim of this article is to answer whether the world-systems theory can be reinterpreted to serve as the framework for conducting research on Chinese engagement in the Global South, especially in Sub-Saharan African countries. The Washington Consensus regarded as the general shift from Keynesianism to neoliberal economic policies (i.e. in the broader sense than that given by Williamson in 1989) fits into the dialectic of world-systems analysis. The Washington Consensus principles provide a framework through which the core countries carry out their policies towards the peripheries. However, not only numerous scholars (Broad and Cavanagh World Policy Journal 16:79, 1999; Wallerstein Shall We Discuss Poverty?, 2010; Rodrik Journal of Economic Literature XLIV:973, 2006) but also politicians (As the former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown Washington Post 2009) declared the death of the Washington Consensus. It became even more apparent after the latest financial crisis. Joshua Ramo coined the term “the Beijing Consensus” to describe the Chinese model of cooperation, different from the Western. Is this distinction based on a reliable foundation? Is the Beijing Consensus an alternative to the Washington Consensus? Can the current unprecedented presence of China in Sub-Saharan Africa (as well as in other regions of the Global South) be seen as a part of the world-systems concept? Should the China–Africa relationship be the new direction of research in the world-systems concept? World-systems (dpeaa)DE-He213 Dependency theory (dpeaa)DE-He213 Beijing consensus (dpeaa)DE-He213 Washington consensus (dpeaa)DE-He213 China (dpeaa)DE-He213 Africa (dpeaa)DE-He213 Enthalten in Fudan Journal of the humanities & social sciences Cham : Springer International Publishing AG, 2010 7(2014), 3 vom: 17. Juli, Seite 433-450 (DE-627)666380449 (DE-600)2624266-7 2198-2600 nnns volume:7 year:2014 number:3 day:17 month:07 pages:433-450 https://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40647-014-0023-1 kostenfrei Volltext GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_SPRINGER GBV_ILN_11 GBV_ILN_20 GBV_ILN_22 GBV_ILN_23 GBV_ILN_24 GBV_ILN_31 GBV_ILN_32 GBV_ILN_39 GBV_ILN_40 GBV_ILN_60 GBV_ILN_62 GBV_ILN_63 GBV_ILN_65 GBV_ILN_69 GBV_ILN_70 GBV_ILN_73 GBV_ILN_74 GBV_ILN_90 GBV_ILN_95 GBV_ILN_100 GBV_ILN_101 GBV_ILN_105 GBV_ILN_110 GBV_ILN_120 GBV_ILN_138 GBV_ILN_150 GBV_ILN_151 GBV_ILN_161 GBV_ILN_170 GBV_ILN_171 GBV_ILN_187 GBV_ILN_213 GBV_ILN_224 GBV_ILN_230 GBV_ILN_250 GBV_ILN_281 GBV_ILN_285 GBV_ILN_293 GBV_ILN_370 GBV_ILN_602 GBV_ILN_636 GBV_ILN_702 GBV_ILN_2001 GBV_ILN_2003 GBV_ILN_2004 GBV_ILN_2005 GBV_ILN_2006 GBV_ILN_2007 GBV_ILN_2008 GBV_ILN_2009 GBV_ILN_2010 GBV_ILN_2011 GBV_ILN_2014 GBV_ILN_2015 GBV_ILN_2020 GBV_ILN_2021 GBV_ILN_2025 GBV_ILN_2026 GBV_ILN_2027 GBV_ILN_2031 GBV_ILN_2034 GBV_ILN_2037 GBV_ILN_2038 GBV_ILN_2039 GBV_ILN_2044 GBV_ILN_2048 GBV_ILN_2049 GBV_ILN_2050 GBV_ILN_2055 GBV_ILN_2057 GBV_ILN_2059 GBV_ILN_2061 GBV_ILN_2064 GBV_ILN_2065 GBV_ILN_2068 GBV_ILN_2088 GBV_ILN_2093 GBV_ILN_2106 GBV_ILN_2107 GBV_ILN_2108 GBV_ILN_2110 GBV_ILN_2111 GBV_ILN_2112 GBV_ILN_2113 GBV_ILN_2118 GBV_ILN_2129 GBV_ILN_2143 GBV_ILN_2144 GBV_ILN_2147 GBV_ILN_2148 GBV_ILN_2152 GBV_ILN_2153 GBV_ILN_2188 GBV_ILN_2190 GBV_ILN_2232 GBV_ILN_2336 GBV_ILN_2446 GBV_ILN_2470 GBV_ILN_2472 GBV_ILN_2507 GBV_ILN_2522 GBV_ILN_2548 GBV_ILN_4035 GBV_ILN_4037 GBV_ILN_4046 GBV_ILN_4112 GBV_ILN_4125 GBV_ILN_4242 GBV_ILN_4246 GBV_ILN_4249 GBV_ILN_4251 GBV_ILN_4305 GBV_ILN_4306 GBV_ILN_4307 GBV_ILN_4313 GBV_ILN_4322 GBV_ILN_4323 GBV_ILN_4324 GBV_ILN_4325 GBV_ILN_4326 GBV_ILN_4333 GBV_ILN_4334 GBV_ILN_4335 GBV_ILN_4336 GBV_ILN_4338 GBV_ILN_4393 GBV_ILN_4700 AR 7 2014 3 17 07 433-450 |
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10.1007/s40647-014-0023-1 doi (DE-627)SPR037110136 (SPR)s40647-014-0023-1-e DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng Lubieniecka, Ewelina Róża verfasserin aut Chinese Engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa: Can the Beijing Consensus be Explained Under World-Systems Analysis? 2014 Text txt rdacontent Computermedien c rdamedia Online-Ressource cr rdacarrier © The Author(s) 2014 Abstract The purpose of this paper is to: (1) explain what the historical origins of the world-systems concept are; (2) present the background for building the Washington Consensus; (3) attempt to answer if the Beijing Consensus can be interpreted as an alternative to the Washington Consensus; (4) attempt to answer if the world-systems concept is applicable to the current engagement of China in Africa. The world-systems concept provides a useful framework for research in international relations, thanks to both its methodological and theoretical assumptions. As it urges for treating social sciences as an interconnected system, i.e. it believes there is a link between sociology, economics, anthropology and the political sciences, it enables studying the reality of current international relations. Chinese presence in Sub-Saharan Africa should be seen from different points of view, as it affects most spheres of the state: it influences the economics and societies of the African countries (e.g. employment, migration, environment), as well as politics (e.g. elections in Zambia in 2011 BBC http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-14952240, 2011). Thus, the multi-dimensional analysis provided by the world-systems theory, though not free of drawbacks (e.g. lack of a detailed analysis of each variable), allows a comprehensive and holistic look at the issue of Chinese engagement in Africa. In terms of theoretical assumptions, its focus on system as a whole (which can be both studied at domestic and international levels) provides a basis for conducting studies at a regional level, treating Sub-Saharan Africa as the study’s object. The classic world-systems concept defines world economy as driven by the cores’ domination on the peripheries (described also as North–South division). Most countries in sub-Saharan Africa fit into the scheme of world-systems analysis as the peripheries, but China cannot be treated as a core state: it is a semi-periphery, as described by Wallerstein, and representative of Global South. China’s policy towards Sub-Saharan African countries has a distinct geo-economic pattern—a pattern of South–South cooperation. China’s relations with Sub-Saharan Africa are (at least on the rhetoric sphere) built on ‘mutual benefit’, ‘win–win cooperation’, and similar historical experience, though the partners are not on a similar level of economic development. The growing presence of China in Africa is, therefore, a challenge to traditional assumptions of world-systems analysis and should be further researched. The aim of this article is to answer whether the world-systems theory can be reinterpreted to serve as the framework for conducting research on Chinese engagement in the Global South, especially in Sub-Saharan African countries. The Washington Consensus regarded as the general shift from Keynesianism to neoliberal economic policies (i.e. in the broader sense than that given by Williamson in 1989) fits into the dialectic of world-systems analysis. The Washington Consensus principles provide a framework through which the core countries carry out their policies towards the peripheries. However, not only numerous scholars (Broad and Cavanagh World Policy Journal 16:79, 1999; Wallerstein Shall We Discuss Poverty?, 2010; Rodrik Journal of Economic Literature XLIV:973, 2006) but also politicians (As the former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown Washington Post 2009) declared the death of the Washington Consensus. It became even more apparent after the latest financial crisis. Joshua Ramo coined the term “the Beijing Consensus” to describe the Chinese model of cooperation, different from the Western. Is this distinction based on a reliable foundation? Is the Beijing Consensus an alternative to the Washington Consensus? Can the current unprecedented presence of China in Sub-Saharan Africa (as well as in other regions of the Global South) be seen as a part of the world-systems concept? Should the China–Africa relationship be the new direction of research in the world-systems concept? World-systems (dpeaa)DE-He213 Dependency theory (dpeaa)DE-He213 Beijing consensus (dpeaa)DE-He213 Washington consensus (dpeaa)DE-He213 China (dpeaa)DE-He213 Africa (dpeaa)DE-He213 Enthalten in Fudan Journal of the humanities & social sciences Cham : Springer International Publishing AG, 2010 7(2014), 3 vom: 17. Juli, Seite 433-450 (DE-627)666380449 (DE-600)2624266-7 2198-2600 nnns volume:7 year:2014 number:3 day:17 month:07 pages:433-450 https://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40647-014-0023-1 kostenfrei Volltext GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_SPRINGER GBV_ILN_11 GBV_ILN_20 GBV_ILN_22 GBV_ILN_23 GBV_ILN_24 GBV_ILN_31 GBV_ILN_32 GBV_ILN_39 GBV_ILN_40 GBV_ILN_60 GBV_ILN_62 GBV_ILN_63 GBV_ILN_65 GBV_ILN_69 GBV_ILN_70 GBV_ILN_73 GBV_ILN_74 GBV_ILN_90 GBV_ILN_95 GBV_ILN_100 GBV_ILN_101 GBV_ILN_105 GBV_ILN_110 GBV_ILN_120 GBV_ILN_138 GBV_ILN_150 GBV_ILN_151 GBV_ILN_161 GBV_ILN_170 GBV_ILN_171 GBV_ILN_187 GBV_ILN_213 GBV_ILN_224 GBV_ILN_230 GBV_ILN_250 GBV_ILN_281 GBV_ILN_285 GBV_ILN_293 GBV_ILN_370 GBV_ILN_602 GBV_ILN_636 GBV_ILN_702 GBV_ILN_2001 GBV_ILN_2003 GBV_ILN_2004 GBV_ILN_2005 GBV_ILN_2006 GBV_ILN_2007 GBV_ILN_2008 GBV_ILN_2009 GBV_ILN_2010 GBV_ILN_2011 GBV_ILN_2014 GBV_ILN_2015 GBV_ILN_2020 GBV_ILN_2021 GBV_ILN_2025 GBV_ILN_2026 GBV_ILN_2027 GBV_ILN_2031 GBV_ILN_2034 GBV_ILN_2037 GBV_ILN_2038 GBV_ILN_2039 GBV_ILN_2044 GBV_ILN_2048 GBV_ILN_2049 GBV_ILN_2050 GBV_ILN_2055 GBV_ILN_2057 GBV_ILN_2059 GBV_ILN_2061 GBV_ILN_2064 GBV_ILN_2065 GBV_ILN_2068 GBV_ILN_2088 GBV_ILN_2093 GBV_ILN_2106 GBV_ILN_2107 GBV_ILN_2108 GBV_ILN_2110 GBV_ILN_2111 GBV_ILN_2112 GBV_ILN_2113 GBV_ILN_2118 GBV_ILN_2129 GBV_ILN_2143 GBV_ILN_2144 GBV_ILN_2147 GBV_ILN_2148 GBV_ILN_2152 GBV_ILN_2153 GBV_ILN_2188 GBV_ILN_2190 GBV_ILN_2232 GBV_ILN_2336 GBV_ILN_2446 GBV_ILN_2470 GBV_ILN_2472 GBV_ILN_2507 GBV_ILN_2522 GBV_ILN_2548 GBV_ILN_4035 GBV_ILN_4037 GBV_ILN_4046 GBV_ILN_4112 GBV_ILN_4125 GBV_ILN_4242 GBV_ILN_4246 GBV_ILN_4249 GBV_ILN_4251 GBV_ILN_4305 GBV_ILN_4306 GBV_ILN_4307 GBV_ILN_4313 GBV_ILN_4322 GBV_ILN_4323 GBV_ILN_4324 GBV_ILN_4325 GBV_ILN_4326 GBV_ILN_4333 GBV_ILN_4334 GBV_ILN_4335 GBV_ILN_4336 GBV_ILN_4338 GBV_ILN_4393 GBV_ILN_4700 AR 7 2014 3 17 07 433-450 |
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10.1007/s40647-014-0023-1 doi (DE-627)SPR037110136 (SPR)s40647-014-0023-1-e DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng Lubieniecka, Ewelina Róża verfasserin aut Chinese Engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa: Can the Beijing Consensus be Explained Under World-Systems Analysis? 2014 Text txt rdacontent Computermedien c rdamedia Online-Ressource cr rdacarrier © The Author(s) 2014 Abstract The purpose of this paper is to: (1) explain what the historical origins of the world-systems concept are; (2) present the background for building the Washington Consensus; (3) attempt to answer if the Beijing Consensus can be interpreted as an alternative to the Washington Consensus; (4) attempt to answer if the world-systems concept is applicable to the current engagement of China in Africa. The world-systems concept provides a useful framework for research in international relations, thanks to both its methodological and theoretical assumptions. As it urges for treating social sciences as an interconnected system, i.e. it believes there is a link between sociology, economics, anthropology and the political sciences, it enables studying the reality of current international relations. Chinese presence in Sub-Saharan Africa should be seen from different points of view, as it affects most spheres of the state: it influences the economics and societies of the African countries (e.g. employment, migration, environment), as well as politics (e.g. elections in Zambia in 2011 BBC http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-14952240, 2011). Thus, the multi-dimensional analysis provided by the world-systems theory, though not free of drawbacks (e.g. lack of a detailed analysis of each variable), allows a comprehensive and holistic look at the issue of Chinese engagement in Africa. In terms of theoretical assumptions, its focus on system as a whole (which can be both studied at domestic and international levels) provides a basis for conducting studies at a regional level, treating Sub-Saharan Africa as the study’s object. The classic world-systems concept defines world economy as driven by the cores’ domination on the peripheries (described also as North–South division). Most countries in sub-Saharan Africa fit into the scheme of world-systems analysis as the peripheries, but China cannot be treated as a core state: it is a semi-periphery, as described by Wallerstein, and representative of Global South. China’s policy towards Sub-Saharan African countries has a distinct geo-economic pattern—a pattern of South–South cooperation. China’s relations with Sub-Saharan Africa are (at least on the rhetoric sphere) built on ‘mutual benefit’, ‘win–win cooperation’, and similar historical experience, though the partners are not on a similar level of economic development. The growing presence of China in Africa is, therefore, a challenge to traditional assumptions of world-systems analysis and should be further researched. The aim of this article is to answer whether the world-systems theory can be reinterpreted to serve as the framework for conducting research on Chinese engagement in the Global South, especially in Sub-Saharan African countries. The Washington Consensus regarded as the general shift from Keynesianism to neoliberal economic policies (i.e. in the broader sense than that given by Williamson in 1989) fits into the dialectic of world-systems analysis. The Washington Consensus principles provide a framework through which the core countries carry out their policies towards the peripheries. However, not only numerous scholars (Broad and Cavanagh World Policy Journal 16:79, 1999; Wallerstein Shall We Discuss Poverty?, 2010; Rodrik Journal of Economic Literature XLIV:973, 2006) but also politicians (As the former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown Washington Post 2009) declared the death of the Washington Consensus. It became even more apparent after the latest financial crisis. Joshua Ramo coined the term “the Beijing Consensus” to describe the Chinese model of cooperation, different from the Western. Is this distinction based on a reliable foundation? Is the Beijing Consensus an alternative to the Washington Consensus? Can the current unprecedented presence of China in Sub-Saharan Africa (as well as in other regions of the Global South) be seen as a part of the world-systems concept? Should the China–Africa relationship be the new direction of research in the world-systems concept? World-systems (dpeaa)DE-He213 Dependency theory (dpeaa)DE-He213 Beijing consensus (dpeaa)DE-He213 Washington consensus (dpeaa)DE-He213 China (dpeaa)DE-He213 Africa (dpeaa)DE-He213 Enthalten in Fudan Journal of the humanities & social sciences Cham : Springer International Publishing AG, 2010 7(2014), 3 vom: 17. Juli, Seite 433-450 (DE-627)666380449 (DE-600)2624266-7 2198-2600 nnns volume:7 year:2014 number:3 day:17 month:07 pages:433-450 https://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40647-014-0023-1 kostenfrei Volltext GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_SPRINGER GBV_ILN_11 GBV_ILN_20 GBV_ILN_22 GBV_ILN_23 GBV_ILN_24 GBV_ILN_31 GBV_ILN_32 GBV_ILN_39 GBV_ILN_40 GBV_ILN_60 GBV_ILN_62 GBV_ILN_63 GBV_ILN_65 GBV_ILN_69 GBV_ILN_70 GBV_ILN_73 GBV_ILN_74 GBV_ILN_90 GBV_ILN_95 GBV_ILN_100 GBV_ILN_101 GBV_ILN_105 GBV_ILN_110 GBV_ILN_120 GBV_ILN_138 GBV_ILN_150 GBV_ILN_151 GBV_ILN_161 GBV_ILN_170 GBV_ILN_171 GBV_ILN_187 GBV_ILN_213 GBV_ILN_224 GBV_ILN_230 GBV_ILN_250 GBV_ILN_281 GBV_ILN_285 GBV_ILN_293 GBV_ILN_370 GBV_ILN_602 GBV_ILN_636 GBV_ILN_702 GBV_ILN_2001 GBV_ILN_2003 GBV_ILN_2004 GBV_ILN_2005 GBV_ILN_2006 GBV_ILN_2007 GBV_ILN_2008 GBV_ILN_2009 GBV_ILN_2010 GBV_ILN_2011 GBV_ILN_2014 GBV_ILN_2015 GBV_ILN_2020 GBV_ILN_2021 GBV_ILN_2025 GBV_ILN_2026 GBV_ILN_2027 GBV_ILN_2031 GBV_ILN_2034 GBV_ILN_2037 GBV_ILN_2038 GBV_ILN_2039 GBV_ILN_2044 GBV_ILN_2048 GBV_ILN_2049 GBV_ILN_2050 GBV_ILN_2055 GBV_ILN_2057 GBV_ILN_2059 GBV_ILN_2061 GBV_ILN_2064 GBV_ILN_2065 GBV_ILN_2068 GBV_ILN_2088 GBV_ILN_2093 GBV_ILN_2106 GBV_ILN_2107 GBV_ILN_2108 GBV_ILN_2110 GBV_ILN_2111 GBV_ILN_2112 GBV_ILN_2113 GBV_ILN_2118 GBV_ILN_2129 GBV_ILN_2143 GBV_ILN_2144 GBV_ILN_2147 GBV_ILN_2148 GBV_ILN_2152 GBV_ILN_2153 GBV_ILN_2188 GBV_ILN_2190 GBV_ILN_2232 GBV_ILN_2336 GBV_ILN_2446 GBV_ILN_2470 GBV_ILN_2472 GBV_ILN_2507 GBV_ILN_2522 GBV_ILN_2548 GBV_ILN_4035 GBV_ILN_4037 GBV_ILN_4046 GBV_ILN_4112 GBV_ILN_4125 GBV_ILN_4242 GBV_ILN_4246 GBV_ILN_4249 GBV_ILN_4251 GBV_ILN_4305 GBV_ILN_4306 GBV_ILN_4307 GBV_ILN_4313 GBV_ILN_4322 GBV_ILN_4323 GBV_ILN_4324 GBV_ILN_4325 GBV_ILN_4326 GBV_ILN_4333 GBV_ILN_4334 GBV_ILN_4335 GBV_ILN_4336 GBV_ILN_4338 GBV_ILN_4393 GBV_ILN_4700 AR 7 2014 3 17 07 433-450 |
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10.1007/s40647-014-0023-1 doi (DE-627)SPR037110136 (SPR)s40647-014-0023-1-e DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng Lubieniecka, Ewelina Róża verfasserin aut Chinese Engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa: Can the Beijing Consensus be Explained Under World-Systems Analysis? 2014 Text txt rdacontent Computermedien c rdamedia Online-Ressource cr rdacarrier © The Author(s) 2014 Abstract The purpose of this paper is to: (1) explain what the historical origins of the world-systems concept are; (2) present the background for building the Washington Consensus; (3) attempt to answer if the Beijing Consensus can be interpreted as an alternative to the Washington Consensus; (4) attempt to answer if the world-systems concept is applicable to the current engagement of China in Africa. The world-systems concept provides a useful framework for research in international relations, thanks to both its methodological and theoretical assumptions. As it urges for treating social sciences as an interconnected system, i.e. it believes there is a link between sociology, economics, anthropology and the political sciences, it enables studying the reality of current international relations. Chinese presence in Sub-Saharan Africa should be seen from different points of view, as it affects most spheres of the state: it influences the economics and societies of the African countries (e.g. employment, migration, environment), as well as politics (e.g. elections in Zambia in 2011 BBC http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-14952240, 2011). Thus, the multi-dimensional analysis provided by the world-systems theory, though not free of drawbacks (e.g. lack of a detailed analysis of each variable), allows a comprehensive and holistic look at the issue of Chinese engagement in Africa. In terms of theoretical assumptions, its focus on system as a whole (which can be both studied at domestic and international levels) provides a basis for conducting studies at a regional level, treating Sub-Saharan Africa as the study’s object. The classic world-systems concept defines world economy as driven by the cores’ domination on the peripheries (described also as North–South division). Most countries in sub-Saharan Africa fit into the scheme of world-systems analysis as the peripheries, but China cannot be treated as a core state: it is a semi-periphery, as described by Wallerstein, and representative of Global South. China’s policy towards Sub-Saharan African countries has a distinct geo-economic pattern—a pattern of South–South cooperation. China’s relations with Sub-Saharan Africa are (at least on the rhetoric sphere) built on ‘mutual benefit’, ‘win–win cooperation’, and similar historical experience, though the partners are not on a similar level of economic development. The growing presence of China in Africa is, therefore, a challenge to traditional assumptions of world-systems analysis and should be further researched. The aim of this article is to answer whether the world-systems theory can be reinterpreted to serve as the framework for conducting research on Chinese engagement in the Global South, especially in Sub-Saharan African countries. The Washington Consensus regarded as the general shift from Keynesianism to neoliberal economic policies (i.e. in the broader sense than that given by Williamson in 1989) fits into the dialectic of world-systems analysis. The Washington Consensus principles provide a framework through which the core countries carry out their policies towards the peripheries. However, not only numerous scholars (Broad and Cavanagh World Policy Journal 16:79, 1999; Wallerstein Shall We Discuss Poverty?, 2010; Rodrik Journal of Economic Literature XLIV:973, 2006) but also politicians (As the former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown Washington Post 2009) declared the death of the Washington Consensus. It became even more apparent after the latest financial crisis. Joshua Ramo coined the term “the Beijing Consensus” to describe the Chinese model of cooperation, different from the Western. Is this distinction based on a reliable foundation? Is the Beijing Consensus an alternative to the Washington Consensus? Can the current unprecedented presence of China in Sub-Saharan Africa (as well as in other regions of the Global South) be seen as a part of the world-systems concept? Should the China–Africa relationship be the new direction of research in the world-systems concept? World-systems (dpeaa)DE-He213 Dependency theory (dpeaa)DE-He213 Beijing consensus (dpeaa)DE-He213 Washington consensus (dpeaa)DE-He213 China (dpeaa)DE-He213 Africa (dpeaa)DE-He213 Enthalten in Fudan Journal of the humanities & social sciences Cham : Springer International Publishing AG, 2010 7(2014), 3 vom: 17. Juli, Seite 433-450 (DE-627)666380449 (DE-600)2624266-7 2198-2600 nnns volume:7 year:2014 number:3 day:17 month:07 pages:433-450 https://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40647-014-0023-1 kostenfrei Volltext GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_SPRINGER GBV_ILN_11 GBV_ILN_20 GBV_ILN_22 GBV_ILN_23 GBV_ILN_24 GBV_ILN_31 GBV_ILN_32 GBV_ILN_39 GBV_ILN_40 GBV_ILN_60 GBV_ILN_62 GBV_ILN_63 GBV_ILN_65 GBV_ILN_69 GBV_ILN_70 GBV_ILN_73 GBV_ILN_74 GBV_ILN_90 GBV_ILN_95 GBV_ILN_100 GBV_ILN_101 GBV_ILN_105 GBV_ILN_110 GBV_ILN_120 GBV_ILN_138 GBV_ILN_150 GBV_ILN_151 GBV_ILN_161 GBV_ILN_170 GBV_ILN_171 GBV_ILN_187 GBV_ILN_213 GBV_ILN_224 GBV_ILN_230 GBV_ILN_250 GBV_ILN_281 GBV_ILN_285 GBV_ILN_293 GBV_ILN_370 GBV_ILN_602 GBV_ILN_636 GBV_ILN_702 GBV_ILN_2001 GBV_ILN_2003 GBV_ILN_2004 GBV_ILN_2005 GBV_ILN_2006 GBV_ILN_2007 GBV_ILN_2008 GBV_ILN_2009 GBV_ILN_2010 GBV_ILN_2011 GBV_ILN_2014 GBV_ILN_2015 GBV_ILN_2020 GBV_ILN_2021 GBV_ILN_2025 GBV_ILN_2026 GBV_ILN_2027 GBV_ILN_2031 GBV_ILN_2034 GBV_ILN_2037 GBV_ILN_2038 GBV_ILN_2039 GBV_ILN_2044 GBV_ILN_2048 GBV_ILN_2049 GBV_ILN_2050 GBV_ILN_2055 GBV_ILN_2057 GBV_ILN_2059 GBV_ILN_2061 GBV_ILN_2064 GBV_ILN_2065 GBV_ILN_2068 GBV_ILN_2088 GBV_ILN_2093 GBV_ILN_2106 GBV_ILN_2107 GBV_ILN_2108 GBV_ILN_2110 GBV_ILN_2111 GBV_ILN_2112 GBV_ILN_2113 GBV_ILN_2118 GBV_ILN_2129 GBV_ILN_2143 GBV_ILN_2144 GBV_ILN_2147 GBV_ILN_2148 GBV_ILN_2152 GBV_ILN_2153 GBV_ILN_2188 GBV_ILN_2190 GBV_ILN_2232 GBV_ILN_2336 GBV_ILN_2446 GBV_ILN_2470 GBV_ILN_2472 GBV_ILN_2507 GBV_ILN_2522 GBV_ILN_2548 GBV_ILN_4035 GBV_ILN_4037 GBV_ILN_4046 GBV_ILN_4112 GBV_ILN_4125 GBV_ILN_4242 GBV_ILN_4246 GBV_ILN_4249 GBV_ILN_4251 GBV_ILN_4305 GBV_ILN_4306 GBV_ILN_4307 GBV_ILN_4313 GBV_ILN_4322 GBV_ILN_4323 GBV_ILN_4324 GBV_ILN_4325 GBV_ILN_4326 GBV_ILN_4333 GBV_ILN_4334 GBV_ILN_4335 GBV_ILN_4336 GBV_ILN_4338 GBV_ILN_4393 GBV_ILN_4700 AR 7 2014 3 17 07 433-450 |
allfieldsSound |
10.1007/s40647-014-0023-1 doi (DE-627)SPR037110136 (SPR)s40647-014-0023-1-e DE-627 ger DE-627 rakwb eng Lubieniecka, Ewelina Róża verfasserin aut Chinese Engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa: Can the Beijing Consensus be Explained Under World-Systems Analysis? 2014 Text txt rdacontent Computermedien c rdamedia Online-Ressource cr rdacarrier © The Author(s) 2014 Abstract The purpose of this paper is to: (1) explain what the historical origins of the world-systems concept are; (2) present the background for building the Washington Consensus; (3) attempt to answer if the Beijing Consensus can be interpreted as an alternative to the Washington Consensus; (4) attempt to answer if the world-systems concept is applicable to the current engagement of China in Africa. The world-systems concept provides a useful framework for research in international relations, thanks to both its methodological and theoretical assumptions. As it urges for treating social sciences as an interconnected system, i.e. it believes there is a link between sociology, economics, anthropology and the political sciences, it enables studying the reality of current international relations. Chinese presence in Sub-Saharan Africa should be seen from different points of view, as it affects most spheres of the state: it influences the economics and societies of the African countries (e.g. employment, migration, environment), as well as politics (e.g. elections in Zambia in 2011 BBC http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-14952240, 2011). Thus, the multi-dimensional analysis provided by the world-systems theory, though not free of drawbacks (e.g. lack of a detailed analysis of each variable), allows a comprehensive and holistic look at the issue of Chinese engagement in Africa. In terms of theoretical assumptions, its focus on system as a whole (which can be both studied at domestic and international levels) provides a basis for conducting studies at a regional level, treating Sub-Saharan Africa as the study’s object. The classic world-systems concept defines world economy as driven by the cores’ domination on the peripheries (described also as North–South division). Most countries in sub-Saharan Africa fit into the scheme of world-systems analysis as the peripheries, but China cannot be treated as a core state: it is a semi-periphery, as described by Wallerstein, and representative of Global South. China’s policy towards Sub-Saharan African countries has a distinct geo-economic pattern—a pattern of South–South cooperation. China’s relations with Sub-Saharan Africa are (at least on the rhetoric sphere) built on ‘mutual benefit’, ‘win–win cooperation’, and similar historical experience, though the partners are not on a similar level of economic development. The growing presence of China in Africa is, therefore, a challenge to traditional assumptions of world-systems analysis and should be further researched. The aim of this article is to answer whether the world-systems theory can be reinterpreted to serve as the framework for conducting research on Chinese engagement in the Global South, especially in Sub-Saharan African countries. The Washington Consensus regarded as the general shift from Keynesianism to neoliberal economic policies (i.e. in the broader sense than that given by Williamson in 1989) fits into the dialectic of world-systems analysis. The Washington Consensus principles provide a framework through which the core countries carry out their policies towards the peripheries. However, not only numerous scholars (Broad and Cavanagh World Policy Journal 16:79, 1999; Wallerstein Shall We Discuss Poverty?, 2010; Rodrik Journal of Economic Literature XLIV:973, 2006) but also politicians (As the former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown Washington Post 2009) declared the death of the Washington Consensus. It became even more apparent after the latest financial crisis. Joshua Ramo coined the term “the Beijing Consensus” to describe the Chinese model of cooperation, different from the Western. Is this distinction based on a reliable foundation? Is the Beijing Consensus an alternative to the Washington Consensus? Can the current unprecedented presence of China in Sub-Saharan Africa (as well as in other regions of the Global South) be seen as a part of the world-systems concept? Should the China–Africa relationship be the new direction of research in the world-systems concept? World-systems (dpeaa)DE-He213 Dependency theory (dpeaa)DE-He213 Beijing consensus (dpeaa)DE-He213 Washington consensus (dpeaa)DE-He213 China (dpeaa)DE-He213 Africa (dpeaa)DE-He213 Enthalten in Fudan Journal of the humanities & social sciences Cham : Springer International Publishing AG, 2010 7(2014), 3 vom: 17. Juli, Seite 433-450 (DE-627)666380449 (DE-600)2624266-7 2198-2600 nnns volume:7 year:2014 number:3 day:17 month:07 pages:433-450 https://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40647-014-0023-1 kostenfrei Volltext GBV_USEFLAG_A SYSFLAG_A GBV_SPRINGER GBV_ILN_11 GBV_ILN_20 GBV_ILN_22 GBV_ILN_23 GBV_ILN_24 GBV_ILN_31 GBV_ILN_32 GBV_ILN_39 GBV_ILN_40 GBV_ILN_60 GBV_ILN_62 GBV_ILN_63 GBV_ILN_65 GBV_ILN_69 GBV_ILN_70 GBV_ILN_73 GBV_ILN_74 GBV_ILN_90 GBV_ILN_95 GBV_ILN_100 GBV_ILN_101 GBV_ILN_105 GBV_ILN_110 GBV_ILN_120 GBV_ILN_138 GBV_ILN_150 GBV_ILN_151 GBV_ILN_161 GBV_ILN_170 GBV_ILN_171 GBV_ILN_187 GBV_ILN_213 GBV_ILN_224 GBV_ILN_230 GBV_ILN_250 GBV_ILN_281 GBV_ILN_285 GBV_ILN_293 GBV_ILN_370 GBV_ILN_602 GBV_ILN_636 GBV_ILN_702 GBV_ILN_2001 GBV_ILN_2003 GBV_ILN_2004 GBV_ILN_2005 GBV_ILN_2006 GBV_ILN_2007 GBV_ILN_2008 GBV_ILN_2009 GBV_ILN_2010 GBV_ILN_2011 GBV_ILN_2014 GBV_ILN_2015 GBV_ILN_2020 GBV_ILN_2021 GBV_ILN_2025 GBV_ILN_2026 GBV_ILN_2027 GBV_ILN_2031 GBV_ILN_2034 GBV_ILN_2037 GBV_ILN_2038 GBV_ILN_2039 GBV_ILN_2044 GBV_ILN_2048 GBV_ILN_2049 GBV_ILN_2050 GBV_ILN_2055 GBV_ILN_2057 GBV_ILN_2059 GBV_ILN_2061 GBV_ILN_2064 GBV_ILN_2065 GBV_ILN_2068 GBV_ILN_2088 GBV_ILN_2093 GBV_ILN_2106 GBV_ILN_2107 GBV_ILN_2108 GBV_ILN_2110 GBV_ILN_2111 GBV_ILN_2112 GBV_ILN_2113 GBV_ILN_2118 GBV_ILN_2129 GBV_ILN_2143 GBV_ILN_2144 GBV_ILN_2147 GBV_ILN_2148 GBV_ILN_2152 GBV_ILN_2153 GBV_ILN_2188 GBV_ILN_2190 GBV_ILN_2232 GBV_ILN_2336 GBV_ILN_2446 GBV_ILN_2470 GBV_ILN_2472 GBV_ILN_2507 GBV_ILN_2522 GBV_ILN_2548 GBV_ILN_4035 GBV_ILN_4037 GBV_ILN_4046 GBV_ILN_4112 GBV_ILN_4125 GBV_ILN_4242 GBV_ILN_4246 GBV_ILN_4249 GBV_ILN_4251 GBV_ILN_4305 GBV_ILN_4306 GBV_ILN_4307 GBV_ILN_4313 GBV_ILN_4322 GBV_ILN_4323 GBV_ILN_4324 GBV_ILN_4325 GBV_ILN_4326 GBV_ILN_4333 GBV_ILN_4334 GBV_ILN_4335 GBV_ILN_4336 GBV_ILN_4338 GBV_ILN_4393 GBV_ILN_4700 AR 7 2014 3 17 07 433-450 |
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<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><collection xmlns="http://www.loc.gov/MARC21/slim"><record><leader>01000caa a22002652 4500</leader><controlfield tag="001">SPR037110136</controlfield><controlfield tag="003">DE-627</controlfield><controlfield tag="005">20230328182045.0</controlfield><controlfield tag="007">cr uuu---uuuuu</controlfield><controlfield tag="008">201007s2014 xx |||||o 00| ||eng c</controlfield><datafield tag="024" ind1="7" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">10.1007/s40647-014-0023-1</subfield><subfield code="2">doi</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="035" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">(DE-627)SPR037110136</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="035" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">(SPR)s40647-014-0023-1-e</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="040" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">DE-627</subfield><subfield code="b">ger</subfield><subfield code="c">DE-627</subfield><subfield code="e">rakwb</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="041" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">eng</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="100" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Lubieniecka, Ewelina Róża</subfield><subfield code="e">verfasserin</subfield><subfield code="4">aut</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="245" ind1="1" ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Chinese Engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa: Can the Beijing Consensus be Explained Under World-Systems Analysis?</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="264" ind1=" " ind2="1"><subfield code="c">2014</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="336" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Text</subfield><subfield code="b">txt</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacontent</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="337" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Computermedien</subfield><subfield code="b">c</subfield><subfield code="2">rdamedia</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="338" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Online-Ressource</subfield><subfield code="b">cr</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacarrier</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="500" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">© The Author(s) 2014</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="520" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Abstract The purpose of this paper is to: (1) explain what the historical origins of the world-systems concept are; (2) present the background for building the Washington Consensus; (3) attempt to answer if the Beijing Consensus can be interpreted as an alternative to the Washington Consensus; (4) attempt to answer if the world-systems concept is applicable to the current engagement of China in Africa. The world-systems concept provides a useful framework for research in international relations, thanks to both its methodological and theoretical assumptions. As it urges for treating social sciences as an interconnected system, i.e. it believes there is a link between sociology, economics, anthropology and the political sciences, it enables studying the reality of current international relations. Chinese presence in Sub-Saharan Africa should be seen from different points of view, as it affects most spheres of the state: it influences the economics and societies of the African countries (e.g. employment, migration, environment), as well as politics (e.g. elections in Zambia in 2011 BBC http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-14952240, 2011). Thus, the multi-dimensional analysis provided by the world-systems theory, though not free of drawbacks (e.g. lack of a detailed analysis of each variable), allows a comprehensive and holistic look at the issue of Chinese engagement in Africa. In terms of theoretical assumptions, its focus on system as a whole (which can be both studied at domestic and international levels) provides a basis for conducting studies at a regional level, treating Sub-Saharan Africa as the study’s object. The classic world-systems concept defines world economy as driven by the cores’ domination on the peripheries (described also as North–South division). Most countries in sub-Saharan Africa fit into the scheme of world-systems analysis as the peripheries, but China cannot be treated as a core state: it is a semi-periphery, as described by Wallerstein, and representative of Global South. China’s policy towards Sub-Saharan African countries has a distinct geo-economic pattern—a pattern of South–South cooperation. China’s relations with Sub-Saharan Africa are (at least on the rhetoric sphere) built on ‘mutual benefit’, ‘win–win cooperation’, and similar historical experience, though the partners are not on a similar level of economic development. The growing presence of China in Africa is, therefore, a challenge to traditional assumptions of world-systems analysis and should be further researched. The aim of this article is to answer whether the world-systems theory can be reinterpreted to serve as the framework for conducting research on Chinese engagement in the Global South, especially in Sub-Saharan African countries. The Washington Consensus regarded as the general shift from Keynesianism to neoliberal economic policies (i.e. in the broader sense than that given by Williamson in 1989) fits into the dialectic of world-systems analysis. The Washington Consensus principles provide a framework through which the core countries carry out their policies towards the peripheries. However, not only numerous scholars (Broad and Cavanagh World Policy Journal 16:79, 1999; Wallerstein Shall We Discuss Poverty?, 2010; Rodrik Journal of Economic Literature XLIV:973, 2006) but also politicians (As the former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown Washington Post 2009) declared the death of the Washington Consensus. It became even more apparent after the latest financial crisis. Joshua Ramo coined the term “the Beijing Consensus” to describe the Chinese model of cooperation, different from the Western. Is this distinction based on a reliable foundation? Is the Beijing Consensus an alternative to the Washington Consensus? Can the current unprecedented presence of China in Sub-Saharan Africa (as well as in other regions of the Global South) be seen as a part of the world-systems concept? 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Lubieniecka, Ewelina Róża |
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Lubieniecka, Ewelina Róża misc World-systems misc Dependency theory misc Beijing consensus misc Washington consensus misc China misc Africa Chinese Engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa: Can the Beijing Consensus be Explained Under World-Systems Analysis? |
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Chinese Engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa: Can the Beijing Consensus be Explained Under World-Systems Analysis? World-systems (dpeaa)DE-He213 Dependency theory (dpeaa)DE-He213 Beijing consensus (dpeaa)DE-He213 Washington consensus (dpeaa)DE-He213 China (dpeaa)DE-He213 Africa (dpeaa)DE-He213 |
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chinese engagement in sub-saharan africa: can the beijing consensus be explained under world-systems analysis? |
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Chinese Engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa: Can the Beijing Consensus be Explained Under World-Systems Analysis? |
abstract |
Abstract The purpose of this paper is to: (1) explain what the historical origins of the world-systems concept are; (2) present the background for building the Washington Consensus; (3) attempt to answer if the Beijing Consensus can be interpreted as an alternative to the Washington Consensus; (4) attempt to answer if the world-systems concept is applicable to the current engagement of China in Africa. The world-systems concept provides a useful framework for research in international relations, thanks to both its methodological and theoretical assumptions. As it urges for treating social sciences as an interconnected system, i.e. it believes there is a link between sociology, economics, anthropology and the political sciences, it enables studying the reality of current international relations. Chinese presence in Sub-Saharan Africa should be seen from different points of view, as it affects most spheres of the state: it influences the economics and societies of the African countries (e.g. employment, migration, environment), as well as politics (e.g. elections in Zambia in 2011 BBC http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-14952240, 2011). Thus, the multi-dimensional analysis provided by the world-systems theory, though not free of drawbacks (e.g. lack of a detailed analysis of each variable), allows a comprehensive and holistic look at the issue of Chinese engagement in Africa. In terms of theoretical assumptions, its focus on system as a whole (which can be both studied at domestic and international levels) provides a basis for conducting studies at a regional level, treating Sub-Saharan Africa as the study’s object. The classic world-systems concept defines world economy as driven by the cores’ domination on the peripheries (described also as North–South division). Most countries in sub-Saharan Africa fit into the scheme of world-systems analysis as the peripheries, but China cannot be treated as a core state: it is a semi-periphery, as described by Wallerstein, and representative of Global South. China’s policy towards Sub-Saharan African countries has a distinct geo-economic pattern—a pattern of South–South cooperation. China’s relations with Sub-Saharan Africa are (at least on the rhetoric sphere) built on ‘mutual benefit’, ‘win–win cooperation’, and similar historical experience, though the partners are not on a similar level of economic development. The growing presence of China in Africa is, therefore, a challenge to traditional assumptions of world-systems analysis and should be further researched. The aim of this article is to answer whether the world-systems theory can be reinterpreted to serve as the framework for conducting research on Chinese engagement in the Global South, especially in Sub-Saharan African countries. The Washington Consensus regarded as the general shift from Keynesianism to neoliberal economic policies (i.e. in the broader sense than that given by Williamson in 1989) fits into the dialectic of world-systems analysis. The Washington Consensus principles provide a framework through which the core countries carry out their policies towards the peripheries. However, not only numerous scholars (Broad and Cavanagh World Policy Journal 16:79, 1999; Wallerstein Shall We Discuss Poverty?, 2010; Rodrik Journal of Economic Literature XLIV:973, 2006) but also politicians (As the former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown Washington Post 2009) declared the death of the Washington Consensus. It became even more apparent after the latest financial crisis. Joshua Ramo coined the term “the Beijing Consensus” to describe the Chinese model of cooperation, different from the Western. Is this distinction based on a reliable foundation? Is the Beijing Consensus an alternative to the Washington Consensus? Can the current unprecedented presence of China in Sub-Saharan Africa (as well as in other regions of the Global South) be seen as a part of the world-systems concept? Should the China–Africa relationship be the new direction of research in the world-systems concept? © The Author(s) 2014 |
abstractGer |
Abstract The purpose of this paper is to: (1) explain what the historical origins of the world-systems concept are; (2) present the background for building the Washington Consensus; (3) attempt to answer if the Beijing Consensus can be interpreted as an alternative to the Washington Consensus; (4) attempt to answer if the world-systems concept is applicable to the current engagement of China in Africa. The world-systems concept provides a useful framework for research in international relations, thanks to both its methodological and theoretical assumptions. As it urges for treating social sciences as an interconnected system, i.e. it believes there is a link between sociology, economics, anthropology and the political sciences, it enables studying the reality of current international relations. Chinese presence in Sub-Saharan Africa should be seen from different points of view, as it affects most spheres of the state: it influences the economics and societies of the African countries (e.g. employment, migration, environment), as well as politics (e.g. elections in Zambia in 2011 BBC http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-14952240, 2011). Thus, the multi-dimensional analysis provided by the world-systems theory, though not free of drawbacks (e.g. lack of a detailed analysis of each variable), allows a comprehensive and holistic look at the issue of Chinese engagement in Africa. In terms of theoretical assumptions, its focus on system as a whole (which can be both studied at domestic and international levels) provides a basis for conducting studies at a regional level, treating Sub-Saharan Africa as the study’s object. The classic world-systems concept defines world economy as driven by the cores’ domination on the peripheries (described also as North–South division). Most countries in sub-Saharan Africa fit into the scheme of world-systems analysis as the peripheries, but China cannot be treated as a core state: it is a semi-periphery, as described by Wallerstein, and representative of Global South. China’s policy towards Sub-Saharan African countries has a distinct geo-economic pattern—a pattern of South–South cooperation. China’s relations with Sub-Saharan Africa are (at least on the rhetoric sphere) built on ‘mutual benefit’, ‘win–win cooperation’, and similar historical experience, though the partners are not on a similar level of economic development. The growing presence of China in Africa is, therefore, a challenge to traditional assumptions of world-systems analysis and should be further researched. The aim of this article is to answer whether the world-systems theory can be reinterpreted to serve as the framework for conducting research on Chinese engagement in the Global South, especially in Sub-Saharan African countries. The Washington Consensus regarded as the general shift from Keynesianism to neoliberal economic policies (i.e. in the broader sense than that given by Williamson in 1989) fits into the dialectic of world-systems analysis. The Washington Consensus principles provide a framework through which the core countries carry out their policies towards the peripheries. However, not only numerous scholars (Broad and Cavanagh World Policy Journal 16:79, 1999; Wallerstein Shall We Discuss Poverty?, 2010; Rodrik Journal of Economic Literature XLIV:973, 2006) but also politicians (As the former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown Washington Post 2009) declared the death of the Washington Consensus. It became even more apparent after the latest financial crisis. Joshua Ramo coined the term “the Beijing Consensus” to describe the Chinese model of cooperation, different from the Western. Is this distinction based on a reliable foundation? Is the Beijing Consensus an alternative to the Washington Consensus? Can the current unprecedented presence of China in Sub-Saharan Africa (as well as in other regions of the Global South) be seen as a part of the world-systems concept? Should the China–Africa relationship be the new direction of research in the world-systems concept? © The Author(s) 2014 |
abstract_unstemmed |
Abstract The purpose of this paper is to: (1) explain what the historical origins of the world-systems concept are; (2) present the background for building the Washington Consensus; (3) attempt to answer if the Beijing Consensus can be interpreted as an alternative to the Washington Consensus; (4) attempt to answer if the world-systems concept is applicable to the current engagement of China in Africa. The world-systems concept provides a useful framework for research in international relations, thanks to both its methodological and theoretical assumptions. As it urges for treating social sciences as an interconnected system, i.e. it believes there is a link between sociology, economics, anthropology and the political sciences, it enables studying the reality of current international relations. Chinese presence in Sub-Saharan Africa should be seen from different points of view, as it affects most spheres of the state: it influences the economics and societies of the African countries (e.g. employment, migration, environment), as well as politics (e.g. elections in Zambia in 2011 BBC http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-14952240, 2011). Thus, the multi-dimensional analysis provided by the world-systems theory, though not free of drawbacks (e.g. lack of a detailed analysis of each variable), allows a comprehensive and holistic look at the issue of Chinese engagement in Africa. In terms of theoretical assumptions, its focus on system as a whole (which can be both studied at domestic and international levels) provides a basis for conducting studies at a regional level, treating Sub-Saharan Africa as the study’s object. The classic world-systems concept defines world economy as driven by the cores’ domination on the peripheries (described also as North–South division). Most countries in sub-Saharan Africa fit into the scheme of world-systems analysis as the peripheries, but China cannot be treated as a core state: it is a semi-periphery, as described by Wallerstein, and representative of Global South. China’s policy towards Sub-Saharan African countries has a distinct geo-economic pattern—a pattern of South–South cooperation. China’s relations with Sub-Saharan Africa are (at least on the rhetoric sphere) built on ‘mutual benefit’, ‘win–win cooperation’, and similar historical experience, though the partners are not on a similar level of economic development. The growing presence of China in Africa is, therefore, a challenge to traditional assumptions of world-systems analysis and should be further researched. The aim of this article is to answer whether the world-systems theory can be reinterpreted to serve as the framework for conducting research on Chinese engagement in the Global South, especially in Sub-Saharan African countries. The Washington Consensus regarded as the general shift from Keynesianism to neoliberal economic policies (i.e. in the broader sense than that given by Williamson in 1989) fits into the dialectic of world-systems analysis. The Washington Consensus principles provide a framework through which the core countries carry out their policies towards the peripheries. However, not only numerous scholars (Broad and Cavanagh World Policy Journal 16:79, 1999; Wallerstein Shall We Discuss Poverty?, 2010; Rodrik Journal of Economic Literature XLIV:973, 2006) but also politicians (As the former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown Washington Post 2009) declared the death of the Washington Consensus. It became even more apparent after the latest financial crisis. Joshua Ramo coined the term “the Beijing Consensus” to describe the Chinese model of cooperation, different from the Western. Is this distinction based on a reliable foundation? Is the Beijing Consensus an alternative to the Washington Consensus? Can the current unprecedented presence of China in Sub-Saharan Africa (as well as in other regions of the Global South) be seen as a part of the world-systems concept? Should the China–Africa relationship be the new direction of research in the world-systems concept? © The Author(s) 2014 |
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title_short |
Chinese Engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa: Can the Beijing Consensus be Explained Under World-Systems Analysis? |
url |
https://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40647-014-0023-1 |
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score |
7.400161 |